What turns rich nations into great powers? How do wealthy countries begin extending their influence abroad? These questions are vital to understanding one of the most important sources of instability in international politics: the emergence of a new power. In "From Wealth to Power", Fareed Zakaria seeks to answer these questions by examining the most puzzling case of a rising power in modern history - that of the United States. If rich nations routinely become great powers, Zakaria asks, then how do we explain the strange inactivity of the United States in the late nineteenth century? By 1885, the U.S. was the richest country in the world. And yet, by all military, political, and diplomatic measures, it was a minor power. To explain this discrepancy, Zakaria considers a wide variety of cases between 1865 and 1908 when the U.S. considered expanding its influence in such diverse places as Canada, the Dominican Republic, and Iceland. Consistent with the realist theory of international relations, he argues that the President and his administration tried to increase the country's political influence abroad when they saw an increase in the nation's relative economic power. But they frequently had to curtail their plans for expansion, he shows, because they lacked a strong central government that could harness that economic power for the purposes of foreign policy. America was an unusual power - a strong nation with a weak state. It was not until late in the century, when power shifted from states to the federal government and from the legislative to the executive branch, that leaders in Washington could mobilize the nation's resources for international influence. Zakaria's exploration of this tension between national power and state structure will change how we view the emergence of new powers and deepen our understanding of America's exceptional history.

《政治的人生》是王沪宁的个人日记，如王沪宁所说：政治的人生，并非指一种政治的经历，而是说，作为一名政治学的学者，我的大部分时间均用来做我的专业学问了，以致这一学问占据了我绝大部分的生命。

德国人会永远活在希特勒的阴影下吗？两德统一并没有驱散希特勒的阴影，统一后的德国，纳粹时代依然是一个被回避的话题。除了1933和1945年，目前德国回避的话题中又多了一项内容：1989/1990。为什么会这样？“德国问题”到底意味着什么？这正是本书中某些文章思考的主题，所收录的文章，从18世纪开始，探讨当时对德国后世影响深远的自由和专制体制。作者的着眼点并不仅仅是德国历史，还有作为德国历史参照体系的欧洲的历史和整个西方史。只有放在这一体系中，衡量德国历史的标准才会清晰起来：那是西方世界的标准，历史中的德国曾经是西方的一分子，德国参与构建了西方世界，却不止一次地游离西方之外，最后一次游离引发了世界历史上的一场大灾难。

《东方编译所译丛·大棋局：美国的首要地位及其地缘战略》为东方编译所译丛之一。《东方编译所译丛·大棋局：美国的首要地位及其地缘战略》权威地讲述了冷战后的世界格局中，欧亚各国与美国的战略利益纠纷，对几个关键性的欧亚大陆地缘战略国家和地缘支轴国家在欧亚大陆的地位、发展前景、政策走向以及同美国的利害关系作了分析和判断，书中有关中美关系的评述篇幅较大，其中的分析发人深省。对于热衷于国际问题分析的实践者和研究者，这是一本不可不读的书。

In this riveting portrait of authoritarianism in peril, acclaimed journalist William Dobson takes us inside the relentless battle between dictators and the people challenging their rule.
We are witnessing an incredible moment in the war between dictators and democracy—waves of protests are sweeping Syria and Yemen, and despots have fallen in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya. But the Arab Spring is only the latest front in a worldwide battle between freedom and repression, a battle that also rages in a dozen other countries from Venezuela to China, Russia to Malaysia. It is a struggle that, until recently, dictators have been winning hands-down. The reason is that today’s authoritarian regimes are nothing like the frozen-in-time government of North Korea. They are ever-morphing, technologically savvy, and internationally connected, and they have replaced more brutal forms of intimidation with seemingly “free” elections and talk of human rights. Facing off against modern dictators is an unlikely army of democracy advocates—students, bloggers, environmentalists, lawyers, activists, and millionaires—who are growing increasingly savvy themselves. The result is a global game of cat-and-mouse, where the future of freedom hangs in the balance. Dobson takes us behind the scenes in both camps, and reveals how each side is honing its strategies for the war that will define our age.

Burke's seminal work was written during the early months of the French Revolution, and it predicted with uncanny accuracy many of its worst excesses, including the Reign of Terror. A scathing attack on the revolution's attitudes to existing institutions, property and religion, it makes a cogent case for upholding inherited rights and established customs, argues for piecemeal reform rather than revolutionary change - and deplores the influence Burke feared the revolution might have in Britain. "Reflections on the Revolution in France" is now widely regarded as a classic statement of conservative political thought, and is one of the eighteenth century's great works of political rhetoric.

在本书中，作者对中国互联网的历史做了一次突破性的研究，细致又全面地观察了中国互联网对于国家和社会的影响，发现互联网给中国的社会—政治变革带来了新的动力。政府权力和社会力量在以互联网为媒介的公共领域中转换。
从大量的数据梳理和事实分析中，作者得出了四重的研究结论。首先，互联网给政府和社会都增加了权力。互联网在促进政治自由化中扮演了重要的角色，使政府更加开放、透明和负责任。第二，互联网产生了大量的影响，高度分散和超越了政府权力的限度。第三，互联网为政府和社会彼此间的契约和分离创造了一个新的基础结构。第四，互联网创造了一种政府和社会的回归关系。政府和社会之间在互联网上相互作用，最终重塑了政府和社会。

《脆弱的崛起:大战略与德意志帝国的命运》对剧变的世界，发展的中国不断做出全面、系统和科学的判断，是国际战略研究的重任。为此，中国国际战略研究基金会愿对中国的战略研究事业做出自己的一份贡献，这也是我们编辑这套“战略研究丛书”的宗旨。我们这套丛书将从广义的角度来讨论战略问题，范围涉及政治、经济、文化、军事、外交、民族、环境与资源、社会和人文等众多领域，凡对国家安全和发展具有重大意义的课题均可列入。我们没有既定的作者，凡符合上述选题标准，且学术价值高，有独到的见解，思想性强，文风好，并有政策水平的著作皆可入选。

研究政治发展的重要著作，特别是提出“政治稳定=政治制度/政治参与”的著名公式。研究Huntington，此书必读，断不可只跟潮流去看《文明冲突论》而不看此书。

In a classic work, Samuel P. Huntington challenges most of the old assumptions and ideas on the role of the military in society. Stressing the value of the military outlook for American national policy, Huntington has performed the distinctive task of developing a general theory of civil–military relations and subjecting it to rigorous historical analysis.

党的十八大以来，围绕全面深化改革、扩大开放，习近平同志作了一系列重要论述。这些论述立意高远，内涵丰富，对于我们深刻理解全面深化改革的历史必然性和现实紧迫性，充分认识全面深化改革的重要性和艰巨性，系统把握全面深化改革的内在规律和重点任务，具有十分重要的政治意义、理论意义和实践指导意义。本书内容，摘自习近平同志二〇一二年十一月十五日至二〇一四年四月一日期间的讲话、演讲、批示、指示等七十多篇重要文献，分十二个专题，共计二百七十四段论述。

《历史的地理枢纽》包括英国近代地理学鼻祖哈麦金德的两篇论文：《地理学的范围和方法》与《历史的地理枢纽》。两篇文章虽然都不很长，影响却广泛而深远，特别是后者，我们就以它作为书名。这两篇文章都是在英国皇家地理学会宣读的。《地理学的范围和方法》在1887年1月份宣读，立即在英国引起了很大的反应，把英国的地理教学推到一个新的阶段，并奠定了今日英国地理学的思想基础。这篇论文被认为是英国地理学的一篇经典文献。《历史的地理枢纽》于1904年1月份在英国皇家地理学会宣读，则影响到世界政治。八十年代初，一个美国人把此文与达尔文的《物种起源》、马尔萨斯的《人口论》、爱因斯坦的《相对论》、潘恩的《常识》等十六种书并列，称为“十六本改变世界”的“巨著”。

本书作者1950年起在美国头家“思想库”兰德公司研究苏联军事，作为“苏联问题专家”崭露头角。1957-1979年先后任中央情报局和国务院高级官员及驻保加利亚大使，直接参与苏欧情报收集与分析，古巴导弹危机处理和美苏战略武器谈判等重要工作。1980-1994年任布鲁金斯学会高级研究员，仍置身于美苏、美俄关系的事态演变之中。作为冷战全过程的重要参与者，通过本书，他披露了美国政府高层人士当年对苏联形势的估计，争论及应对谋略等鲜为人知的内幕。...

本书在理性选择制度主义的路径下集中关注国际制度与国家自主性之间的因果关系。基于理性选择的路径，该书把国家看作是理性的行为体。也就是说，国家行为体会在不同的约束条件下进行制度选择以使其目标实现的可能性最大化。全书分为八章。第一到四章为理论部分；第五到八章为经验研究部分，包括四个案例研究。其中，第五章结合国际法律化的文献分析WTO与美国贸易政治的转型。

This book examines the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5, a significant event in world history virtually ignored in Western literature. Japan so rapidly defeated China that citizens of Europe suddenly perceived Japan, not only as the dominant power of Asia, but also as a key international player. Western disgust with Chinese military performance led to their rapidly growing intrusions on Chinese sovereignty while Japan soon became an ally of the ruling superpower, Great Britain. To the present day, China is still struggling to reverse the judgment of this war and restore its regional dominance.

本书是美国1997年出版的一部论述中国问题的专著。它与《即将到来的美中冲突》出版时间相近，论点却相距甚远，基本上反映美国朝野在美中关系问题上比较现实的一些人的看法。

The book's basic analytic assumption is that there is a distinction between state and society. "Defending the National Interest" shows that the problem for political analysis is how to identify the underlying social structure and the political mechanisms through which particular societal groups determine the government's behavior.