包括樋口一叶的代表作《埋没》《大年夜》《行云》《浊流》《十三夜》《自焚》《岔路》《青梅竹马》。《青梅竹马》以东京下町的大音寺为舞台，以妓女15岁的妹妹登美利的幼年生活为中心，描写她周围一群孩子受混浊社会环境的残害和腐蚀，预示着他们长大成人后的悲惨命运。一叶细腻的笔锋，将青春期少男少女的感伤哀愁挥洒得淋漓尽致。

本书内容广泛涉及人生观、知识观、科学方法论和科学哲学思想等诸多方面，但是作者还是重在探讨人类的创造性思维的奇迹。

Product Description
For more than twenty years, "After the Fact" has been a popular and best-selling approach to guiding students through American History and the methods used to generate it. In fifteen dramatic episodes that move chronologically through American history, this book examines such topics as oral evidence, photographs, ecological data, films and television programs, church and town records, census data, and novels.

The distinguished sociologist Richard Sennett surveys major differences between earlier forms of industrial capitalism and the more global, more febrile, ever more mutable version of capitalism that is taking its place. He shows how these changes affect everyday life—how the work ethic is changing; how new beliefs about merit and talent displace old values of craftsmanship and achievement; how what Sennett calls “the specter of uselessness” haunts professionals as well as manual workers; how the boundary between consumption and politics is dissolving.
In recent years, reformers of both private and public institutions have preached that flexible, global corporations provide a model of freedom for individuals, unlike the experience of fixed and static bureaucracies Max Weber once called an “iron cage.” Sennett argues that, in banishing old ills, the new-economy model has created new social and emotional traumas. Only a certain kind of human being can prosper in unstable, fragmentary institutions: the culture of the new capitalism demands an ideal self oriented to the short term, focused on potential ability rather than accomplishment, willing to discount or abandon past experience. In a concluding section, Sennett examines a more durable form of self hood, and what practical initiatives could counter the pernicious effects of “reform.”

A modern verse play about the search for meaning, in which a psychiatrist is the catalyst for the action. “An authentic modern masterpiece” (New York Post). “Eliot really does portray real-seeming characters. He cuts down his poetic effects to the minimum, and then finally rewards us with most beautiful poetry” (Stephen Spender).

《喀纳斯灵(散文)》喀纳斯文丛 ：喀纳斯是灵居住的地方。好多年前，是聚在喀纳斯的风里水里。看见是的萨满坐在湖边，萨满的灵也在风里水里。

In this challenging work, Christopher Lasch makes his most accessible critique yet of what is wrong with the values and beliefs of America's professional and managerial elites. The distinguished historian argues that democracy today is threatened not by the masses, as Jose Ortega y Gasset (The Revolt of the Masses) had said, but by the elites. These elites - mobile and increasingly global in outlook - refuse to accept limits or ties to nation and place. Lasch contends that, as they isolate themselves in their networks and enclaves, they abandon the middle class, divide the nation, and betray the idea of a democracy for all America's citizens. The book is historical writing at its best, using the past to reveal the roots of our current dilemma. The author traces how meritocracy - selective elevation into the elite - gradually replaced the original American democratic ideal of competence and respect for every man. Among other cultural trends, he trenchantly criticizes the vogue for self-esteem over achievement as a false remedy for deeper social problems, and attacks the superior pseudoradicalism of the academic left. Brilliantly he reveals why it is no wonder that Americans are apathetic about their common culture and see no point in arguing politics or voting. In a powerful final section Lasch traces the spiritual crisis of democracy. The elites, having jettisoned the moral and ethical guidelines provided by religion, cling to the belief that through science they can master their fates and escape mortal limits. In pursuit of this illusion they have become infatuated with the global economy. Their revolt, the author warns, is diminishing what is worthwhile about American life. Thisvolume, completed just before the author's death, continues in his tradition of vigorous and original thought and should stir soul-searching among readers concerned about the future of America and its democracy.

Why and how do contemporary questions of culture so readily become highly charged questions of identity? The question of cultural identity lies at the heart of current debates in cultural studies and social theory. At issue is whether those identities which defined the social and cultural world of modern societies for so long - distinctive identities of gender, sexuality, race, class and nationality - are in decline, giving rise to new forms of identification and fragmenting the modern individual as a unified subject. Questions of Cultural Identity offers a wide-ranging exploration of this issue. Stuart Hall firstly outlines the reasons why the question of identity is so compelling and yet so problematic. The cast of outstanding contributors then interrogate different dimensions of the crisis of identity; in so doing, they provide both theoretical and substantive insights into different approaches to understanding identity.

江湖社会的存在与活跃时近代中国的一个日常现象。作者认为，近代中国城市江湖社会解纷模式可以概括为“帮权自治型”解纷模式。在“强化国家对社会的控制”的现代性的民族国家构建过程中，江湖社会解纷模式蕴涵的本土自治能力、自治经验极易被忽视。针对于此，本书以“汉口码头”这一近代中国城市基层空间为研究场域，描述、解释在这场域中的江湖社会如何解决纠纷，他们解决纠纷的模式在近代中国法律发展、法制变迁过程中有何特质与意义，这是一项以大量原始档案为基础的“城市区域法制史”范畴的研究。
本书试图探讨，在近代中国继受法与固有法相互冲突、相互融合的法律发展大势中，底层社会力量的纠纷解决活动具有哪些内在机理、常变之道，这些“内在机理”、“常变之道”在中国法治进程中有何历史意义与现代价值。
本书引用史料翔实，研究领域及角度比较新颖，语言通俗易懂，作者能够站在一个客观中立的角度认识和看待中国近代城市江湖社会及其各构成要素，包括其纠纷解决模式的利与弊。本书研究在选题上的特殊性注定了其研究所涉的范围相对比较广泛，无论对中国城市区域法制史还是对于中国法律文化多元的研究都有一定的参考价值。

European history of the past century is full of examples of philosophers, writers, and jurists who, whether they lived in democratic, communist, or fascist societies, supported and defended totalitarian principles and horrific regimes. But how can intellectuals, who should be alert to the evils of tyranny, betray the ideals of freedom and independent inquiry? How can they take positions that, implicitly or not, endorse oppression and human suffering on a vast scale?
In profiles of Martin Heidegger, Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin, Alexandre Kojeve, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, Mark Lilla demonstrates how these thinkers were so deluded by the ideologies and convulsions of their times that they closed their eyes to authoritarianism, brutality, and state terror. He shows how intellectuals who fail to master their passions can be driven into a political sphere they scarcely understand, with momentous results for our intellectual and political lives.

Conventional wisdom argues that welfare state builders in the US and Sweden in the 1930s took their cues from labor and labor movements. "Capitalists Against Markets" makes the startling argument that pragmatic social reformers looked for support not only from below but also from above, taking into account capitalist interests and preferences. Juxtaposing two widely recognized extremes of welfare, the US and Sweden, Peter Swenson shows that employer interests played a role in welfare state development in both countries. This broad-ranging comparative analysis begins with theory about employer interests under varying economic and institutional conditions, especially in labor markets shaped to a considerable degree by employers themselves. It then moves on to in-depth historical evidence, starting from very early in the 1900s. The historical narrative reveals striking variations within and across the behavior of their capitalist classes. It gives reason to believe that capitalists were among essential allies of the American welfare state in the 1930s and beyond, not just forces for containing its expansion. It also shows that Social Democrats in Sweden were kicking in capitalists' open doors as they installed and expanded the various pieces of their world-renowned welfare state through the 1960s. A concluding chapter surveys labor market and social policy changes in both countries since the 1970s in light of the theory and historical analysis of cross-class alliance politics. Provocative in its challenge to conventional thinking and theory, "Capitalists Against Markets" illuminates the political conditions for greater economic and social security in capitalist societies.

本书探讨的对象是华夏最古老的一个边缘——华夏北方边缘。作者以人类学的游牧社会研究成果及思考取径，结合多学科的研究方法，对早期中国北方多元的游牧社会作一新考察。作者指出，汉代中原王朝与其北方游牧部族的互动曾造成三种不同的华夏边缘，也是三种人类生态本相——蒙古草原的匈奴、甘青高原河谷的西羌、东北森林草原的鲜卑与乌桓。后来在历史上发生的一些模式化历史事件，许多都可溯及形成于汉代的此三种华夏边缘。作者期望通过情境化与反思性的历史知识，形成对当前中华民族体制下汉﹑满﹑蒙﹑藏等民族历史关系的一种新体认。
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王明珂洞察族群认同与共同体意识之间微妙的关系，在中国民族学田野报告的传统方式之外，开阔了报导与阐释双管齐下的方法学。这是一本跨越历史学、人类学和地理学的作品，很有价值。
——许倬云（著名历史学家）
我们这个时代学术中最重要之事，莫过于指出，以定居的乡土格局来形容中国社会是有问题的。“中国乡土定居性理论”抹杀了我们历史经验中的许多“另类元素”。本书为我们呈现了汉代中国北方游牧社会的诸种形态，使长期被我们视作“他者”的匈奴、西羌、东胡及其后裔，成为我们的自我认识的一个步骤。
——王铭铭（北京大学人类学教授）
没有哪个古代帝国的周边，拥有像中国那样多的游牧民族；也没有哪种文字中留下像汉文一样对于游牧民族的丰富记载；然而当下游牧民族研究却是西方、俄国或日本学者的领地。当读完这部非凡拔俗的著作后，我们可以略感自豪地宣称，游牧世界的研究中终于增添了一份中国经验——从理论到微观。
——罗丰（宁夏考古所所长，考古学者）
作者既解构了旧史家的片面记载，又谨慎地对待前人的研究成果，以使自己不要走过头。作者基于多年来对游牧社会的亲身观察和体验，加之对中国历史文献、考古材料的熟悉，本书可以说是王明珂一部更加宏观的著作，是一部跨越历史学和人类学的经典制作。
——荣新江（北京大学历史学教授）
“游牧”不只是一种生产、消费与交换的经济手段，它还需要特定的社会组织、社会价值观来与之配合……对于熟悉定居文明社会价值体系的“我们” 来说，游牧社会研究更大的意义在于它可以挑战、刺激我们的知识理性；因为这样的刺激，我们或可得到些反思性新知。
——王明珂（本书作者）

In this major contribution to contemporary political theory, Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato argue that the concept of civil society articulates a contested terrain in the West that could become a primary locus for the expansion of democracy and rights.