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This text proposes a new kind of democracy for the modern era, one that not only gives citizens more power but also allows them more opportunities to exercise this power thoughtfully. James S. Fishkin here suggests a solution to the problem of inadequate deliberation, in particular within the presidential nomination system. His reform involves a well-publicized national caucus in which a representative sample of American citizens would interact directly with presidential contenders in order to reflect and vote on the issues and candidates. In adapting democracy to the large-scale nation state, says Fishkin, Americans have previously had two choices. They could participate directly through primaries and referendums or they could depend on elite groups - such as party conventions and legislatures - to represent them. The first choice offers political equality but little chance for deliberation; the second offers the participants an opportunity to deliberate but provides less political equality for the electorate. The national caucus that Fishkin proposes - an example of what he calls a "deliberative opinion poll" - combines deliberation with direct democracy and reveals what the public would think if it had better conditions and information with which to explore and define the issues with the candidates. Arguing for the usefulness of deliberative opinion polls, Fishkin places them within the history of democratic theory and practice, exploring models of democracy ranging from ancient Athens and the debates of the American founders to contemporary transitions toward democracy in Eastern Europe. Fishkin's democratic system proposed in this book will be introduced to the American public in the beginning of the 1992 presidential selection season when the Public Broadcasting System televises the country's first deliberative opinion poll. The PBS 600 is scheduled for February 1992 when 600 randomly selected delegates representing the entire American electorate will convene with the presidential candidates in Austin, Texas for several days. Fishkin is the chief academic adviser to the program.

南亞裔人士是香港人口的重要組成部分，他們人數眾多，文化多樣，近年成為備受關注的群體。儘管面對社會、經濟的困難和與飽受歧視，很多南亞裔人士都用自己的方法努力生存。
本書聚焦在香港的三個主要南亞族群—─印度人、巴基斯坦人及尼泊爾人，探索他們在香港的文化和歷史，闡述他們在學校和工作的生活經驗。本書並從法律和媒體角度切入，討論《種族歧視條例》立法在多大程度上能保障南亞少數族裔的權利、探討南亞裔在主流媒體中的呈現，以及他們如何創意地運用媒體來獲得社會大眾的認同。
本書以平實簡潔的文字，附以一系列的個案分析，並採用跨學科的研究方法，包括社會學、社會工作、媒體研究、人類學、歷史和文化研究，適合大學生及一般讀者閱讀。在少數族裔權益愈受重視之時，此書也是公民社會、從政者和政策制定者必讀的書籍。
這是一部完整地探討香港南亞族群的著作，書中所涉獵的議題都經過詳細的研究和周密的論證，當中的人物故事和插圖亦能賦予讀者鮮明的歷史感，這部著作絕對能助讀者了解香港的多元種族背景，明白文化多元社會的優點，以及理解如何進一步地促進種族融合。
──周一嶽醫生（前香港平等機會委員會主席）
此書為了解南亞族群在香港的狀況的必讀作品，它不單展示了南亞族群在香港的生活及其歷史，更探究了在法律條例、大眾媒體和教育政策之層面對於南亞族群的影響，是對於未來極其重要之著作。
──Gordon Mathews（麥高登）（《重慶大廈》作者）

How are we to conceive of acts that suddenly expose the injustice of the prevailing order? These acts challenge long-standing hidden or silently tolerated injustices, but as they are unsupported by existing ethical rules they pose a drastic challenge to dominant norms. In Excessive Subjectivity, Dominik Finkelde rereads the tradition of German idealism and finds in it the potential for transformative acts that are capable of revolutionizing the social order.
Finkelde's discussion of the meaning and structure of the ethical act meticulously engages thinkers typically treated as opposed—Kant, Hegel, and Lacan—to develop the concept of excessive subjectivity, which is characterized by nonconformist acts that reshape the contours of ethical life. For Kant, the subject is defined by the ethical acts she performs. Hegel interprets Kant's categorical imperative as the ability of an individual's conscience to exceed the existing state of affairs. Lacan emphasizes the transgressive force of unconscious desire on the ethical agent. Through these thinkers Finkelde develops a radical ethics for contemporary times. Integrating perspectives from both analytical and continental philosophy, Excessive Subjectivity is a distinctive contribution to our understanding of the ethical subject.
机翻，仅供参考
我们如何设想突然暴露主流秩序的不公正行为呢？这些行为挑战长期存在或默默忍受的不公正，但是由于他们没有得到现有道德规则的支持，他们对主导规范构成了严峻的挑战。 Dominik Finkelde在过度的主体性中重新审视了德国理想主义的传统，并发现它具有能够彻底改变社会秩序的变革行为的潜力。
芬克尔德关于伦理行为的意义和结构的讨论，通常认为，与康德，黑格尔和拉康相对立的思想家精心地发展了过度主体性的概念，其主要特征是重塑伦理生活轮廓的不合格行为。对于康德来说，主题是由她所执行的道德行为来定义的。黑格尔把康德的绝对命令解释为个人良知超越现存状态的能力。拉康强调无意识的欲望对伦理代理人的超越力量。通过这些思想家，芬克尔德开创了当代激进的伦理道德。整合分析与大陆哲学的观点，过分的主体性是对我们对伦理学科理解的独特贡献。

"Laplanche's work is much more accessible than Jacques Lacan's; is it too much to hope that his brilliant work will help to reconcile American intellectuals to rigorous speculative thought?" -- Leo Bersani, "Partisan Review"

In this book, Yasheng Huang makes a provocative claim: the large absorption of foreign direct investment (FDI) by China is a sign of some substantial weaknesses in the Chinese economy. The primary benefits associated with China's FDI inflows are concerned with the privatization functions supplied by foreign firms, venture capital provisions to credit-constrained private entrepreneurs, and promotion of interregional capital mobility. Huang argues that one should ask why domestic firms cannot supply the same functions. China's partial reforms, while successful in increasing the scope of the market, have so far failed to address many allocative inefficiencies in the Chinese economy.

A groundbreaking scientific examination of the way our brains understand politics from a New York Times bestselling author
One of the world 's best-known linguists and cognitive scientists, George Lakoff has a knack for making science make sense for general readers. In his new book, Lakoff spells out what cognitive science has discovered about reason, and reveals that human reason is far more interesting than we thought it was. Reason is physical, mostly unconscious, metaphorical, emotion-laden, and tied to empathy-and there are biological explanations behind our moral and political thought processes. His call for a New Enlightenment is a bold and striking challenge to the cherished beliefs not only of philosophers, but of pundits, pollsters, and political leaders. The Political Mind is a passionate, erudite, and groundbreaking book that will appeal to anyone interested in how the mind works and how we function socially and politically.

《闽台地方史研究》是作者研究闽台文化、闽台社会的新成果，内容包含闽台妇女史研究、台湾文学史研究和闽台地方史研究。由于作者长期坚持在这一领域开垦拓荒、精耕细作，因此总能发现前人未曾发现过的史料，描述前人未曾描述过的历史细节，提出前人未曾提出过的看法。
作者通过对闽台各种史料的发掘，研究了前人未曾涉及的许多民间习俗，如对典妻、冥婚、溺女、赤脚婢、奶丫头、童养媳等等都做了深入的探讨；并不断充实台湾文学、文人与大陆的交流、联系的史实，用以论证作者长期坚持的“日据时期台湾与大陆的文化交流从来不曾隔绝”的观点；进而参阅台湾的相关档案史料，说明两岸档案史料口可以互相印证、互相补存……

本书专门为零基础的初学者写作，它将帮助初学者循序渐进、轻松自如地掌握财务报表的相关知识，快速入门。无论你是企业管理层，是银行、咨询公司的工作人员，哪怕只是一名普普通通的会计专业学生，本书都能帮你实实在在地了解财报，迅速捕获财务报表中对自己最有价值的信息。
清华大学会计系主任肖星老师向你点对点传输执教经验，用问答形式展示关于财务报表的扎实干货与实战案例 本书让你 3 分钟掌握财务报表上的关键数据，5 分钟实现简单的财务分析，10 分钟利用财务信息做出正确决策。
总之，搞定财务报表，一本书就已足够。

《沉默》發表於一九六九年，是探討遠藤文學的最重要作品之一，評價極高，榮獲第二屆谷崎潤一郎獎，其中探討基督宗教在東方社會紮根時面臨的問題，包含東西方文化的差異等等。之所以取名為「沉默」，理由有二：(一)反抗歷史的沉默；(二)探索神的沉默。
故事發生在德川幕府時代禁教令下長崎附近的小村子，一個葡萄牙耶穌會的教士偷渡到日本傳教，並調查恩師因遭受「穴吊」而宣誓棄教一事，因為這事在當時歐洲人的眼中，不只是個人的挫折，同時也是整個歐洲信仰、思想的恥辱和失敗。在傳教與尋訪的過程中，信仰與反叛、聖潔與背德、強權與卑微、受難與恐懼、堅貞與隱忍、掙扎與超脫……所有的兩難情境都面臨了，逼迫著他對基督的信仰進行更深層且更現實的思索，最終，他彷彿也走過一趟恩師的心路歷程，擁有自己對信仰的詮釋與實踐。

该书主要探讨中国国民党（包括其前身各团体在内）的整体组织，并把它定位于国家—社会关系的整体结构之中，探讨范围基本上限定于1890年代到1920年代的广东地区——中国革命运动的主要舞台。作者试图对广东的政党、社会、国家之间的关系进行综合性的模式化，理论化的探讨，并试图生新考虑中国国民党及其所建立的政治体制的历史意义，同时希望对关于中国未来的思考能做出一些贡献。

作者从黑格尔辩证法的两大构成要素即《努斯精神》和《逻各斯精神》的辩证关系入手，展示了黑格尔辩证法形成的历史渊源，它的内部辩证结构，以及它与人的生命哲学和自由精神的关系，充满作者的人生体验。能够像本书一样将如此深奥的道理讲得让非专业人士都能懂得的书并不多见。
本书是由作者2003年给武汉大学本科生所开设的《黑格尔辩证法研究》选修课的录音记录稿整理而成，与一般哲学理论著作不同，内容通俗，联想丰富，保持了讲课时的很强的现场感。

As a hybrid regime, Hong Kong has been governed by a state-business alliance since the colonial era. However, since the handover in 1997, the transformation of Hong Kong’s political and socio-economic environment has eroded the conditions that supported a viable state-business alliance. This state-business alliance, which was once a solution for Hong Kong’s governance, has now become a political burden, rather than a political asset, to the post-colonial Hong Kong state.
This book presents a critical re-examination of the post-1997 governance crisis in Hong Kong under the Tung Chee-hwa and Donald Tsang administrations. It shows that the state-business alliance has failed to function as an organizational machinery for supporting the post-colonial state, and has also served to generate new governance problems. Drawing upon contemporary theories on hybrid regimes and state capacity, this book looks beyond the existing opposition-centered explanations of Hong Kong’s governance crisis. By establishing the causal relationship between the failure of the state-business alliance and the governance crisis facing the post-colonial state, Brian C. H. Fong broadens our understanding of the governance problems and political confrontations in post-colonial Hong Kong. In turn, he posits that although the state-business alliance worked effectively for the colonial state in the past, it is now a major problem for the post-colonial state, and suggests that Hong Kong needs a realignment of a new governing coalition.
Hong Kong’s Governance under Chinese Sovereignty will enrich and broaden the existing literature on Hong Kong’s public governance whilst casting new light on the territory’s political developments. As such, it will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in Chinese politics, Hong Kong politics, and governance.

The Cold War was a distinct and crucial period in Hong Kong’s evolution and in its relations with China and the rest of the world. Hong Kong was a window through which the West could monitor what was happening in China and an outlet that China could use to keep in touch with the outside world. Exploring the many complexities of Cold War politics from a global and interdisciplinary perspective, Hong Kong in the Cold War shows how Hong Kong attained and honed a pragmatic tradition that bridged the abyss between such opposite ideas as capitalism and communism, thus maintaining a compromise between China and the rest of the world.
The chapters are written by nine leading international scholars and address issues of diplomacy and politics, finance and economics, intelligence and propaganda, refugees and humanitarianism, tourism and popular culture, and their lasting impact on Hong Kong. Far from simply describing a historical period, these essays show that Hong Kong's unique Cold War experience may provide a viable blueprint for modern-day China to develop a similar model of good governance and may in fact hold the key to the successful implementation of the One Country Two Systems idea.

The Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong caught the world’s attention and imagination at the end of 2014. The 79-day occupation campaign took on some of the characteristics of the recent wave of large-scale protest movements around the world, including the prominent roles played by the media – both conventional and digital – in the mobilization and communication processes of the movement.
This edited volume, Media, Mobilization and the Umbrella Movement, brings together nine contributions which examine various aspects of the media-movement nexus, including the power of televised images to mobilize people, the role of social media in the insurgent public sphere, young activists’ social media strategies, media influence on citizens’ understanding of civil disobedience, the government’s response to digital media tactics, public discourses about the rule of law, and local and foreign media coverage of the movement. We believe that this high-quality collection can not only enhance our understanding of the Umbrella Movement, but also facilitate and trigger more research and dialogue comparing the Umbrella Movement with other similar protest movements around the world. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Chinese Journal of Communication.

1997年，潘绥铭教授深入珠江三角州的B镇、中南腹地某工业城市旁边的开发区和湘黔交界处的某个私人云集开采的小金矿，对这三地的地下“红灯区”进行社区调查，写出了《存在与荒谬―一中国地下“性产业”考察》一书。在接下来的1998年里，他又三次来到B镇和它所属的S区，以“入住式”的方式对这里的地下“红灯区”进行了总计46天的追踪考察。本书就是这三次社区调查的总结，也是《存在与荒谬》的续篇。
在本书里，潘教授仍然沿用《存在与荒谬》中的视角和技术路线，主要是研究“红灯区”的发展脉络，形成原因、运作机制以及与社会环境的关系等问题。同时，更注意尽量多地收集个案，更多地了解那些参入或者涉及“性产业”的形形色色的个人，用他们的人生经历来说明一些更加深入或者更加具体的问题。
在本书的后半部分，潘教授用访谈实录的形式记录了不同类型的41个“卖淫女”。“鸡头”及“老板”的个案。如果您对“虚的”不感兴趣，尽可以只看这41个个案，或许她（他）们的个人情况和人生经历比理论分析更能说明问题。

“死灰复燃”的卖淫嫖娼现象在中国已成为日益严重的社会问题，其由南到北的滋蔓泛滥已逐渐形成具有相当经济规模的地下“性产业”，引起了国家和社会的严重关注。“扫黄”力度不断加大，但至今屡禁不绝。中国人民大学性社会学研究所所长潘绥铭教授在对中国地下“性产业”的考察中，从社会学研究的角度，运用社区考察的方法，通过重点对“后发外向型”的珠江三角洲B镇、“路边伴生型”的华南腹地某开发区、“本地偶发型”的湘黔交界某金矿区的地下“性产业”的综合考察解释和分析了卖淫嫖娼现象背后的深层原因。

In this incisive book, Michel de Certeau considers the uses to which social representation and modes of social behavior are put by individuals and groups, describing the tactics available to the common man for reclaiming his own autonomy from the all-pervasive forces of commerce, politics, and culture. In exploring the public meaning of ingeniously defended private meanings, de Certeau draws brilliantly on an immense theoretical literature to speak of an apposite use of imaginative literature.