著名教授写给大众的政治科学入门书
当代社会公民的政治常识指南
【编辑推荐】
⊙ 独具匠心的编排
授人以鱼，不如授之以渔。相比于纯粹的政治学知识，作者更强调政治学思维，以“权力与选择”为贯穿全书的主题，每一个现实的政治问题，都从“权力的使用”和“公众的选择”两个角度加以剖析；在每章的结尾，辅以各国的案例，进一步解释本章所介绍的分析方法。
⊙ 包罗万象的常识
本书包含了政治科学的各个方面，从最基本的定义到各学派的经典观点，从政治学与现实生活密切交集的要素，到各要素之间隐秘的联系，从生动有趣的漫画插图，到扎实详尽的图表数据，抽丝剥茧，深入浅出，完整呈现你需要了解的政治常识。
【内容简介】
作为一本政治知识普及读物，本书最大的特点在于，从“权力”与“选择”两个角度来剖析解读政治，通过这条主线，将零碎的知识组合成完备的政治 学体系。作者从政治的概念、国家与公共政策、公民与政体、国家机器、国际政治这五方面入手，引导读者全面详尽地理解政治学的知识领域。此外，作者针对读者的兴趣点，阐述了国家政治的运转细节，剖析了政治精英们管理国家的过程，关于国家政治你需要知晓的知识都囊括在本书里：现代国家源何诞生，国家制定政策时需要考虑哪些因素，怎么看待公平与效率问题，国家政体怎样作用于选举制度，而选举制度又如何影响政党构成。

From Scientific American
Spruyt ... shows that sovereign states of Europe emerged from the decline of feudalism as urban units gained freedom and formed leagues.... He also puts into perspective the European Union that today's nationstates are attempting to put together.... A significant contribution to political science and to European history.
From The New Yorker
Spruyt takes on a theme that is ... of central import to political science.... A convincing demonstration that there was nothing inevitable about the triumph of the [present] form of the state.

In the last decades of the nineteenth century, the United States underwent an extremely rapid industrial expansion that moved the nation into the front ranks of the world economy. At the same time, the nation maintained democratic institutions as the primary means of allocating political offices and power. As the combination of robust democratic institutions and rapid industrialization is rarely found in world history, this book explains how economic development and democracy coexisted in the United States during industrialization.

In the last years of World War II, Friedrich Hayek wrote The Road to Serfdom. He warned the allies that policy proposals which were being canvassed for the post-war world ran the risk of destroying the very freedom for which they were fighting. On the basis of 'as in war, so in peace', economists and others were arguing that the government should plan all economic activity. Such planning, Hayek argued, would be incompatible with liberty, and had been at the very heart of the movements that had established both communism and Nazism.
On its publication in 1944, the book caused a sensation. Neither its British nor its American publisher could keep up with demand, owing to wartime paper rationing. Then, in 1945, Reader's Digest published The Road to Serfdom as the condensed book in its April edition. For the first and still the only time, the condensed book was placed at the front of the magazine instead of the back. Hayek found himself a celebrity, addressing a mass market.
The condensed edition was republished for the first time by the IEA in 1999 and has been reissued to meet the continuing demand for its enduringly relevant and accessible message.

【布朗大学政治学教授莎伦•R.克劳斯最新力作，解读“贵族式”荣誉在现代民主社会的作用。】
《自由主义与荣誉》致力探讨自由主义宪政体制下荣誉的含义，及其激发个体能动性的能力。作者认为，由于荣誉将自我关注和个人野心与有原则的崇高目的联系在一起，它挑战了自利与自我牺牲之间的二元对立，能够很好地适应盛行自由主义的现代社会。
书中追溯了荣誉的谱系，探究了它与凭借良心的拒绝和公民不服从之间的联系，详述了它在美国建国、民主改革和民权运动中起到的重要作用，表明荣誉是冒险而又艰难的政治行动的一种动机，能够在当今政治能动性低迷的情境下为自由主义提供鼓舞，防范和抵制权力的滥用。

This is the first part of a three-volume work on the nature of power in human societies. In it, Michael Mann identifies the four principal 'sources' of power as being control over economic, ideological, military, and political resources. He examines the interrelations between these in a narrative history of power from Neolithic times, through ancient Near Eastern civilisations, the classical Mediterranean age, and medieval Europe, up to just before the Industrial Revolution in England. Rejecting the conventional monolithic concept of a 'society', Dr. Mann's model is instead one of a series of overlapping, intersecting power networks. He makes this model operational by focusing on the logistics of power - how the flow of information, manpower, and goods is controlled over social and geographical space-thereby clarifying many of the 'great debates' in sociological theory. The present volume offers explanations of the emergence of the state and social stratification.

This text explores a broad range of media-related topics as they pertain to China. The chapters provide detailed analyses of such issues as the increasing influence of advertisers; the efforts of the Communist party to direct editorial content; and the impact of Hong Kong television on Guanggzhou.

Westerners tend to divide the political world into "good" democracies and "bad" authoritarian regimes. But the Chinese political model does not fit neatly in either category. Over the past three decades, China has evolved a political system that can best be described as "political meritocracy." The China Model seeks to understand the ideals and the reality of this unique political system. How do the ideals of political meritocracy set the standard for evaluating political progress (and regress) in China? How can China avoid the disadvantages of political meritocracy? And how can political meritocracy best be combined with democracy? Daniel Bell answers these questions and more.
Opening with a critique of "one person, one vote" as a way of choosing top leaders, Bell argues that Chinese-style political meritocracy can help to remedy the key flaws of electoral democracy. He discusses the advantages and pitfalls of political meritocracy, distinguishes between different ways of combining meritocracy and democracy, and argues that China has evolved a model of democratic meritocracy that is morally desirable and politically stable. Bell summarizes and evaluates the "China model"—meritocracy at the top, experimentation in the middle, and democracy at the bottom—and its implications for the rest of the world.
A timely and original book that will stir up interest and debate, The China Model looks at a political system that not only has had a long history in China, but could prove to be the most important political development of the twenty-first century.

《智库、公共政策和专家治策的政治学》阐释了智库、公共政策和专家治策三者之间的矛盾并详述了它对于政策制定的实践，对于议程设置的学术辩论，以及对于利益集团和立法的重要启示。《智库、公共政策和专家治策的政治学》的分析基于对135个官员的深度采访，他们有的来自智库，有的来自借鉴并支持他们工作的政策制定机构和基金组织。《智库、公共政策和专家治策的政治学》的调查结果源于对国会议员和记者进行的原始调查，还源于对专家在2皑纪90年代的医疗保障改革和电信改革辩论中的作用，以及专家在2001年减税作用中详细个案的研究。

Few doubt that China wants to be a major economic and military power on the world stage. To achieve this ambitious goal, however, the PRC leadership knows that China must first become an advanced information-based society. But does China have what it takes to get there? Are its leaders prepared to make the tough choices required to secure China’s cyber future? Or is there a fundamental mismatch between China’s cyber ambitions and the policies pursued by the CCP until now?
This book offers the first comprehensive analysis of China’s information society. It explores the key practical challenges facing Chinese politicians as they try to marry the development of modern information and communications technology with old ways of governing their people and conducting international relations. Fundamental realities of the information age, not least its globalizing character, are forcing the pace of technological change in China and are not fully compatible with the old PRC ethics of stability, national industrial strength and sovereignty. What happens to China in future decades will depend on the ethical choices its leaders are willing to make today. The stakes are high. But if China’s ruling party does not adapt more aggressively to the defining realities of power and social organization in the information age, the ‘China dream’ looks unlikely to become a reality.

我们应该如何共同生活于社会之中?我们究竟为何需要政府?社会正义意味着什么?至善的现实政治真的只能是海市蜃楼吗?这些问题离我们并不遥远，每个人都需要考虑，因为它们关系到我们的人生幸福之根基。打开《政治哲学与幸福根基》，它将带你进入对于这些问题的追问与探索。
行文简洁，可为广泛的人群所理解，论题综合性强，是对许多有争议的重大问题的一个可靠导言……
——英国赫尔大学政治学理论教授 帕雷克勋爵

在这本叙述周详而又引人入胜的著作中，肯尼思•米诺格探讨了从古代世界到20世纪的政治发展过程。作者力图引导读者去思考如下问题：政治体制为何演进不止？政治如何在我们的社会中生发权力、保障秩序？民主是否一直有利无弊？21世纪的政治又将有何变迁？
米诺格将政治的脉络与细节娓娓道来，他是叙述这一主题的绝佳人选。
——《卫报》 尼古拉斯•莱扎德
从这本书中我们不难读出如下六点：政治就是政治、专制就是专制、古代就是古代、现代就是现代、民主就是民主，而未来就是未来。
——中国人民大学教授 毛寿龙

The capitalist market, progressives bemoan, is a cold monster: it disrupts social bonds, erodes emotional attachments, and imposes an abstract utilitarian rationality. But what if such hallowed critiques are completely misleading? This book argues that the production of new sources of faith and enchantment is crucial to the dynamics of the capitalist economy. Distinctively secular patterns of attraction and attachment give modern institutions a binding force that was not available to more traditional forms of rule. Elaborating his alternative approach through an engagement with the semiotics of money and the genealogy of economy, Martijn Konings uncovers capitalism's emotional and theological content in order to understand the paradoxical sources of cohesion and legitimacy that it commands. In developing this perspective, he draws on pragmatist thought to rework and revitalize the Marxist critique of capitalism.

Many of the fundamental questions in social science entail an examination of the role played by social institutions. Why do we have so many social institutions? Why do they take one form in one society and quite different ones in others? In what ways do these institutions develop? When and why do they change? Institutions and Social Conflict addresses these questions in two ways. First it offers a thorough critique of a wide range of theories of institutional change, from the classical accounts of Smith, Hume, Marx and Weber to the contemporary approaches of evolutionary theory, the theory of social conventions and the new institutionalism. Secondly, it develops a new theory of institutional change that emphasises the distributional consequences of social institutions. The emergence of institutions is explained as a by-product of distributional conflict in which asymmetries of power in a society generate institutional solutions to conflicts.

这本书主要探讨群众运动的一些共有特征，重点是陷入狂热的乌合之众的人格。长期与下层民众打交道的生活经历使作者发现，积极投身群众运动的往往是一些失意者。他们认为自己的生活已无可救药地失败，渴望逃离自我寻求重生，将生命托付给某项神圣伟业让他们感觉不错，整齐划一的集体生活令个人的责任、恐惧、无能得以掩埋。运动的领导者则刻意培养参与者的罪恶感，号召自我牺牲以获救赎。
自1951年出版后，《狂热分子》即被视为社会科学领域的经典之作，短期内行销50万册以上，被译成10余种语言，是多所大学政治系的必读书。书中俯拾皆是充满智慧的思想火花与一针见血的比喻，风格酷似法国思想家蒙田与帕斯卡尔的随笔。至今，其佳言警句仍不断被引用、辑录。

本书是一部关于翻译理论的研究论文集，以理论形式出现。本书包括米歇尔·福柯、沃洛希洛夫、贝尔·胡克斯、特贾斯维莉·尼南贾纳、刘禾、伽亚特里·斯皮瓦克、谢莉·西蒙、劳伦斯·韦努蒂八位作者的八篇文章。福柯在他的短文中以浓缩的形式提出了他在几部主要著作中所讨论的语言的基本问题。刘禾的论文讨论了中国现代翻译中语词的功能问题。斯皮瓦克是在女性书写的前提下讨论翻译的，这使她比福柯更接近了翻译的政治所具有的复杂内涵，把翻译的问题推向了更为广阔的视域。翻译的政治性存在于它的多重张力与现实政治张力之间的不简单对等关系之中，而并非存在于主流话语的边缘地带。希望对于本书的阅读有可能引出这样的问题，即翻译对于我们，是否有可能意味着新的文化立场的建构。

With crucial insights and indispensable information concerning modern-day political upheavals, Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements provides a representative cross section of the most significant revolutions of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This fourth edition is revised and updated with special focus on Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic revolutionary movements and a new chapter on the Latin American democratic revolutions of the past decade. In this widely used text, students can trace the historical development of nine revolutions using a five-factor analytical framework. Author James DeFronzo clearly explains all relevant concepts and events, the roles of key leaders, and the interrelation of each revolutionary movement with international economic and political developments and conflicts, including World Wars I and II, the Cold War, and the War on Terror. Student resources include multiple orienting maps, summary and analysis sections, suggested readings, chronologies, and documentary resources.