Political behavior is the result of innumerable unnoticed forces and conscious deliberation is often a rationalization of automatically triggered feelings and thoughts. Citizens are very sensitive to environmental contextual factors such as the title "President" preceding "Obama" in a newspaper headline, upbeat music or patriotic symbols accompanying a campaign ad, or question wording and order in a survey, all of which have their greatest influence when citizens are unaware. This book develops and tests a dual-process theory of political beliefs, attitudes, and behavior, claiming that all thinking, feeling, reasoning, and doing have an automatic component as well as a conscious deliberative component. The authors are especially interested in the impact of automatic feelings on political judgments and evaluations. This research is based on laboratory experiments, which allow the testing of five basic hypotheses: hot cognition, automaticity, affect transfer, affect contagion, and motivated reasoning.

In "Electing Judges", leading judicial politics scholar James L. Gibson responds to the growing chorus of critics who fear that the politics of running for office undermine judicial independence. While many people have opinions on the topic, few have supported them with actual empirical evidence. Gibson rectifies this situation, offering the most systematic and comprehensive study to date of the impact of campaigns on public perceptions of fairness, impartiality, and the legitimacy of elected state courts - and his findings are both counterintuitive and controversial. Gibson finds that ordinary Americans do not conclude from campaign promises that judges are incapable of making impartial decisions. Instead, he shows, they understand the process of deciding cases to be an exercise in policymaking, rather than of simply applying laws to individual cases - and consequently think it's important for candidates to reveal where they stand on important issues. Negative advertising also turns out to have a limited effect on perceptions of judicial legitimacy, though the same cannot be said for widely hated campaign contributions. Taking both the good and bad into consideration, Gibson argues that elections are ultimately beneficial in boosting the legitimacy of courts, despite the slight negative effects of some campaign activities. "Electing Judges" will initiate a lively debate inside both the halls of justice and the academy.

Four Wellington university students, Meg, Henry, Steph and Diana, are thrown together in the broad sphere of leftist politics, love and betrayal. Set in the 1970s.

“In this book, Professor Dahl carries forward his logico-empirical studies of the conditions under which political systems change or are transformed from one type to another. . . . The focus here is upon the conditions under which systems he designates as closed hegemonies, inclusive hegemonies, or competitive oligarchies are likely to develop into polyarchies, or intermediate variations thereof… To this reviewer, the present book enhances Professor Dahl’s status as political diagnostician and analyst. It exemplifies beautifully the function of theory in disentangling the elements of a problem and understanding the relations between them, as distinct from constructing general, logically consistent theories that do not explain variations and deviant cases in the real world, or devising ‘practical’ solutions without knowing whether or why they work. Dahl uses concepts to reveal and enlighten us as to hidden relationships in the data.” —Avery Leiserson, The Annals
"Dahl extends his inquiry inot pluralistic social orders to the conditions favorable for a competitive political regime, or polyarchy. . . . This is good Dahl, it is both political theory and comparative government, and the appendices add valuable data . . . . It belongs in every library collection, and it might have use as a supplementary text."—Choice
"A tightly woven explanation of the conditions under which cultures that do not tolerate political opposition may be transformed into societies that do. The author is at his empirical best in reaching his conclusions."—Foreign Affairs
"His purpose is primarily analytical rather than presciptive, and his analysis is lucid, perceptive, and thorough."—Times Literary Supplement

The systematically revised third edition of the leading text on approaches and methods in political science features a considerable internatizationization in both the team of contributors and the range of coverage and examples. About half the chapters are entirely new and the rest are substantially revised and updated.

民主本是常识，但是近年来有人通过歪曲民主来批判民主，有人以“国情论”来抵挡民主，理由是中国人富了不需要民主，凡此种种。本书通过对民主理论的正本清源，阐述了民主的真正价值、民主对经济社会发展的作用、民主的发展形式，对反民主的观点作出了回应。它让你了解什么是真正的民主，我们如何实现民主。 现行各国的民主已不仅是通过选举产生的议会讨论和决策，还包括利益集团的影响和街头行动，非政府组织的广泛参与，第四权力媒体无所不在的监督，这都已经超出了选举议会式的民主模式。民主已不仅是一种国家制度的形态，而且成了一种社会形态和广大公众的生活方式。

民族和民族主义是什么？其本质是什么？它们在历史上是怎样出现的，又经历了怎样的变迁？为何它们能够在今天拥有如此深刻的情感上的正当性？这些都是研究民族和民族主义问题的学者们试图要解答的问题。本书的作者本尼迪克特・安德森以“哥白尼精神“独辟蹊径，从民族情感与文化根源出发探讨了不同民族属性的、全球各地的“想象的共同体“，力图提出一个解释上述关于民族与民族主义问题的新的理论典范。安德森将民族、民族属性与民族主义视为一种“特殊的文化的人造物“，将民族定义为“一种想象的政治共同体“。 他认为这些“想象的共同体“的形成主要取决于以下因素：宗教信仰的领土化、古典王朝家族的衰微、时间观念的改变、资本主义与印刷术之间的交互作用、国家方言的发展等。通过比较史和历史社会学的方法，安德森对民族主义的起源与散布进行了论证：他否定了多数学者所认同的民族主义起源于欧洲的观点，认为18世纪末和19世纪初的南北美洲殖民地独立运动才是“第一波“的民族主义，民族主义是经由美洲而散播至欧洲，再到亚洲和非洲。安德森百科全书式的欧洲史素养与当代东南亚研究权威的背景，以及他对东西方多种语言的掌握能力，使得他的论证更具说服力。《想象的共同体》独辟蹊径的研究视角令它已经成为当代研究民族与民族主义的经典著作，其影响所及几乎横跨所有人文与社会学科，是当代文史社会科学学生必读之书，同时也是理解人类社会诸多现象时，不可或缺的指引。

Throughout history and across social and cultural contexts, most systems of belief - whether religious or secular - have ascribed wisdom to those who see reality as that which transcends the merely material. Yet, as the studies collected here show, the immaterial is not easily separated from the material. Humans are defined, to an extraordinary degree, by their expressions of immaterial ideals through material forms. The essays in "Materiality" explore varied manifestations of materiality from ancient times to the present. In assessing the fundamental role of materiality in shaping humanity, they signal the need to de-center the social within social anthropology in order to make room for the material. Considering topics as seemingly diverse as theology, technology, finance, and art, the contributors - most of whom are anthropologists - examine the many different ways in which materiality has been understood and the consequences of these differences. Their case-studies show that the latest forms of financial trading instruments can be compared with the oldest ideals of ancient Egypt, that the promise of software can be compared with an age-old desire for an unmediated relationship to divinity. Whether focusing on the theology of Islamic banking; Australian Aboriginal art; derivatives trading in Japan; or textiles which respond directly to their environment, each essay adds depth and nuance to the project that Materiality advances: a profound acknowledgment and rethinking of one of the most basic properties of being human. Contributors include Matthew Engelke, Webb Keane, Susanne Kuchler, Bill Maurer, Lynn Meskell, Daniel Miller, Hirokazu Miyazaki, Fred Myers, Christopher Pinney, Michael Rowlands, and Nigel Thrift. Daniel Miller is Professor of Anthropology at University College London. He is the author of many books including "The Sari" (with Mukulika Banerjee); "Capitalism: An Ethnographic Approach"; "A Theory of Shopping"; and "The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach" (with Don Slater). He is the editor, most recently, of "Home Possessions: Material Culture behind Closed Doors and Car Cultures".

《大西洋的跨越:进步时代的社会政治》讲述了大西洋两岸在社会政策方面的相互联系、交流和竞争，反映在那个特定的历史时期，人们如何努力弥补过度放任的资本主义带来的破坏。从1900年的巴黎世界博览会到1942年伦敦《贝弗里奇报告》，从两次世界大战到罗斯福新政，生动描写各种关系民生的社会政策尝试，包括社会保险，城市规划、市政服务、农村合作社和住房改革等方面。视野不仅跨越大西洋，而且涉及澳大利亚和新西兰，始终把握国家间交流互动的脉络，打破了思想上固有边界的限制。

本书以社会治安综合治理作为研究的主要对象。本书计划回答三个基本问题。首先，面对由市场改革带来的社会不满与集体抗争，中国政府采取了哪些维护稳定的办法。第二个问题，在维稳力度不断加大的情况之下，为什么已有的维政策执行起来效果不佳。第三个问题将与预设的理论前提相呼应，那就是现有的维稳政策会对市场经济、公民社会、司法体制与政治制度产生什么影响，这些影响是强化还是弱化三大系统的维稳功能？
本书由四个部分组成：第一部分即第一章是综合治理的社会背景；第二部分是关于综合治理的政策构成，由四章组成；第三部分包括从第六章到第九章，是关于综合治理的维持机制的，它们是综合治理行动的基础；第四部分由第十章和结论构成，主要是对综合治理行动与机制的分析以及分析基础上的结论归纳。

自序..
第一章 緒論
第二章 再現的政治：他者在媒體的建構與展示
第一節 再現的危機：從鏡像到建構
第二節 他者與再現：從辨識差異到刻板印象化
第三節 他者再現作為一種迷思.
第四節 他者再現作為一種論述.
第五節 結語：再現的政治.
第三章 語言、再現與媒體的論述分析.
第一節 從內容分析到論述分析.
第二節 從「論述」分歧的概念內涵談起.
第三節 論述分析的語言學系譜.
第四節 後結構主義與論述分析：Michael Foucault的分析策略與運用
第五節 批判語言學與論述分析：Roger Fowler的分析策略與運用..
第六節 批判論述分析：Teun A. van Dijk與Norman Fairclough的整合策略
第七節 暫時的結論：..
第四章　建構政治他者：兩家台灣報紙對一九九○年國民黨黨內政爭差異建構的論述分析..
第一節 前言.
第二節 政治衝突的媒體再現
第三節　國民黨的流派、二月政爭與報紙媒體
第四節　兩套政爭的敘事與修辭
第五節　我類團體的裂變：我群／他群
第六節　共識的假定：民主或團結
第七節　結語：
第五章 從「山胞」到「原住民」：台灣原住民「正名運動」媒體再現的論述分析
第一節 前言
第二節 台灣原住民媒體再現的問題
第三節　原住民「正名運動」的政治
第四節　符碼的轉變：報紙對原住民「命名」的變遷
第五節　正名實踐的媒體再現
第六節　論述形構的角逐：對「正名運動」正當性的論述對抗
第七節　結語：「正名」扭轉了原住民的媒體再現？
第六章 台灣女性政治精英的媒體再現
第一節　緒論
第二節　女性、政治與媒體再現
第三節　公共領域的「她者」：女性政治精英政治參與的媒體再現
第四節　身體美學意像的書寫：女性政治精英形象的媒體再現
第五節　泛戰爭化的隱喻：女性政治精英政治衝突的媒體再現
第六節　結論
參考書目

中共建國後的首要任務正是改建北京城。50年代首都進行了大規模的改造：拆除古城樓、擴建天安門廣場、拓寬長安街、在廣場中心豎立人民英雄紀念碑、興建人民大會堂等十大建築、改明清兩朝的太廟為勞動人民文化宮，豎立了不少矚目的新地標，使北京的市容起了巨大的變化。本書所指的「空間政治」，並非是地理變革，或單純探討建築物的坐向，而是探討政治的地域布局，及廣義的看政治與地理之間的互動、衝突和影響，藉此了解中共如何利用城市空間和建築物的設計來樹立其威信。

阿萨·林德贝克（1930—?），著名经济学家，1980年至1994年担任诺贝尔经济学奖委员会主席。本书是作者在1968年至1969年任美国哥伦比亚大学访问教授时，以当时美国一些大学进行的政治辩论和流传的政治文献为背景写成的。林德贝克认为，市场、竞争和物质刺激不仅有助于调动人们的工作积极性和首创精神，提高社会的经济效率，有助于实现资源和收入的合理分配，而且通过与分散化相联系的市场，可以协调社会中成千上万个家庭的消费偏好，以及各个公司做出的关于生产、投资、价格的决定，使整个社会经济活动得以正常运行。他还认为，在以生产资料公有制为基础的社会中，只有依靠市场才能避免社会权力高度集中所产生的官僚主义。

1999年，芝加哥大学法学院举办了一场别开生面的研讨会。为了纪念乔治•奥威尔的名作《一九八四》出版五十周年，玛莎•努斯鲍姆、理查德•爱泼斯坦、理查德•波斯纳、凯斯•桑斯坦等来自法律及其他人文社科领域的十余位大师级学者共聚一堂，讨论这样一个话题：写于半个世纪前的《一九八四》有没有过时？它对当今世界有何意义？诸位学者发表了各自的看法，其中不乏针锋相对甚至特立独行的洞见。
本书即由与会学者提交的文章结集而成。学者们将观点付诸文字，告诉读者大众，当我们思考未来的时候，《一九八四》这部小说对我们会有何教益。

The issue of migration has often divided political economists - even those of a broadly free-market perspective. In this "IEA Occasional Paper", Nobel Laureate Gary Becker briefly discusses the benefits and some of the problems arising from migration. He then makes a radical proposal that should satisfy many on both sides of the debate. Becker proposes that immigrants should be charged to enter countries such as the USA and the UK. This might be regarded by some as an inappropriate way to deal with the problems caused by unlimited migration. However, the author lucidly presents his case, showing how it will help both migrants and the country they are entering whilst defusing debates surrounding migration. Furthermore, he makes a powerful case that his proposal will help ease the serious problem of illegal migration. The publication also includes a commentary from Diane Coyle.

Differences in the earnings of women and men are increasingly being used to justify regulation of the private affairs of employers and employees. Yet there is little evidence that the 'gender pay gap' is the result of unfair discrimination. In fact it can be explained by variations in the kinds of job undertaken by men and women, as well as educational and lifestyle choices. Women may favour quality of life and job satisfaction over higher earnings. The author argues that complete equality of pay is impossible to achieve in a free society of any complexity. Men and women would need to be identical in their qualifications, choice of occupations, career plans and lifestyle choices. Thus policies that try to impose equality through tighter employment regulation are unlikely to have much impact, and such measures may damage the economic position of both men and women.

本书从探讨人类在本质上是隔阂的还是统一的、是平等的还是不平等的这两个永久性的问题开始，深入剖析政治权力关系各个层面的诸多问题，最终展现出“人类的不确定性”这一主题。作者呼吁要以苏格拉底的对话精神和康德的二律背反概念破除意识形态的藩篱，构建开放的政治思考领域，以利于公正社会的建立。

Systematically examining politics from around the world, Countries and Concepts presents ten accessible and in-depth studies of Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Japan, China, India, Mexico, Nigeria, and Iran. This text looks at similarities and differences in five key areas of each country to facilitate comparative analysis, defining important concepts and integrating examples from current events throughout. Highly readable and thought-provoking, Countries and Concepts introduces students to the politics and governments of the world and bolsters their civic education by considering the historical, political, economic, geographical, and moral aspects of democracy.
MyLab或是Mastering系列是在线作业系统。Access Code Card是在线作业系统的访问码，是老师和学生课堂之外网络互动及交流的平台，个人是无法使用这个平台的。请读者注意您购买的这个ISBN是不带Access Code Card的。

This book develops a framework for analyzing the creation and consolidation of democracy. Different social groups prefer different political institutions because of the way they allocate political power and resources. Thus democracy is preferred by the majority of citizens, but opposed by elites. Dictatorship nevertheless is not stable when citizens can threaten social disorder and revolution. In response, when the costs of repression are sufficiently high and promises of concessions are not credible, elites may be forced to create democracy. By democratizing, elites credibly transfer political power to the citizens, ensuring social stability. Democracy consolidates when elites do not have strong incentive to overthrow it. These processes depend on (1) the strength of civil society, (2) the structure of political institutions, (3) the nature of political and economic crises, (4) the level of economic inequality, (5) the structure of the economy, and (6) the form and extent of globalization.