Documentaries have recently become a favourite format for Chinese state-directed media to present an officially sanctioned view of history. Indeed, this is not confined to Chinese national history. In stark contrast to the earlier self-centred preoccupation with Chinese history, there has been an upsurge in interest in foreign history, with a view to illuminating China’s role not only in world history, but also on the global stage today, and in the future.
This book examines three recent Chinese documentary television series which present the officially sanctioned view of the rise of the modern West, the reasons for the end of the Soviet Union, and the legitimisation of the present-day Chinese government via a specific reading of modern Chinese history to argue for a ‘Chinese rise’ in the future. With a focus on these documentaries, Gotelind Müller discusses how history is presented on screen, and explores the function of visual history for memory culture and wider society. Further, this book reveals how the presentation of Chinese and foreign history in a global framework impacts on the officially transmitted views on Self and Other, and thus provides a keen insight into how the Chinese themselves regard their ‘global rise’.
Documentary, World History, and National Power in the PRC will be welcomed by students and scholars working across a number of fields, including Chinese studies, East Asian studies, media studies, television studies, history and memory studies.

本书通过运用比较政治学的方法，深入浅出地对世界的部分典型国家进行观察和描述，从中选取了英国、法国、德国、日本、俄罗斯、印度、墨西哥、尼日利亚、伊朗这9个国家作为分析的模型，以生动简洁的语言从历史、制度、政治文化、现状、争论等5个方面讲述公民需要了解的“国家常识”。
作者将国家的历史、地理与当代的发展现状紧密地联系在一起，运用大量篇幅追溯各国的历史，穿插地图直接展现各国所处的地缘环境，并且着重阐述了历史源流与地理环境对政治文化的变迁、制度的变更与当代议题的发展的影响。在叙述过程中，作者还强调了不同地域的民族文化特性、经济发展状况和教育制度。

The state is the most massive and significant modern expression of the broader phenomenon of political power. This book offers a fresh, accessible and original interpretation of the modern state, concentrating particularly on the emergence and nature of democracy.
Poggi presents an extensive conceptual portrait of the state, distinguishing its early characteristics from those which have developed subsequently and are apparent in contemporary states. He reviews the 'historical career' of the state, from the dissolution of feudal forms of rule to the advent of modern, liberal-democratic systems.
Poggi also discusses the most significant developments occurring in our times concerning the nature of liberal-democratic regimes: these developments emphasize the growth and diversification of state action, and the resulting disconnection between policy and politics. Poggi considers the distinctive features of one-party systems, and discusses why these systems encountered these difficulties in promoting advanced industrial development. The final chapter discusses the challenges set to the state by contemporary developments in military affairs, in the international economy and in the ecological sphere.

权力的每一次衰落都是一次对暴力的公开邀请
汉娜•阿伦特生前出版的最后一部著作
《论暴力》《政治中的谎言》《公民不服从》三大名篇
直指美国1960年代风起云涌的政治浪潮
重温共和政治传统，捍卫共和信念
本书是汉娜•阿伦特于1972年出版的一本文集，收入三篇论文（“政治中的谎言”、“公民不服从”和“论暴力”）和一篇访谈录。这些作品见证了20世纪60年代越南战争、学生暴动、黑人民权运动以及70年代前期以美国为首的世界性动荡，体现了阿伦特的政治卓识。其中，《论暴力》尤为著名。
阿伦特在书中提出了“权力的每一次衰落都是一次对暴力的公开邀请”、“第三世界不是现实，而是意识形态”等著名论断，对政治学界、思想界产生了重要而深远的影响。

费正清堪称以西方的视角观察中国问题的最具权威的学者，《美国与中国》是美国中国学的经典著作。全书可分为三部分，第一部分讲述中国早期的历史；第二部分为近代中国革命史的描述，从西方入侵直至中国共产党的建立；第三部分讲述中华人民共和国建国前后的中美关系。本书被美国权威杂志《外交》誉为20世纪最伟大的书之一，曾在西方学界和政界产生了广泛影响。费正清以博学而洒脱的风格，风趣、清新的笔调娓娓道来，使一本严肃的史学专著成为难得的极具可读性的历史文化佳作。对于历史学家，它是对于现代中国的历史分析；对于学生，它是关于中国的权威指南；对于外交家和企业家，它成功探索了中美两国间难以捉摸而又颇具影响的情感呼应。本书自1948年第一版问世以来内容不断增补，这个译本是根据1983年的第四版翻译的。

This is Jurgen Habermas's most concrete historical-sociological book and one of the key contributions to political thought in the postwar period. It will be a revelation to those who have known Habermas only through his theoretical writing to find his later interests in problems of legitimation and communication foreshadowed in this lucid study of the origins, nature, and evolution of public opinion in democratic societies.

This authoritative study explores China's rapidly evolving polity, economy, and society through the prism of its communication system. Yuezhi Zhao offers a multifaceted, interdisciplinary analysis of communication in China and its central role in the struggle for control during the country's rise to global power. The industry in all its forms-ranging from the news media to entertainment outlets to the Internet-has been a critical battleground among different social forces in this period of wrenching change. The author explores alterations in the structure and content of Chinese communication in light of the rapid evolution of state-society relations to reveal the profoundly contradictory, conflicted, and uncertain nature of China's ongoing transformation.

Contesting Media Power is the most ambitious international collection to date on the worldwide growth of alternative media that are challenging the power concentration in large media corporations. Media scholars and political scientists develop a broad comparative framework for analyzing alternative media in Australia, Chile, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, Russia, Sweden, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Topics include independent media centers, gay online networks and alternative web discussion forums, feminist film, political journalism and social networks, indigenous communication, and church-sponsored media. This important book will help shape debates on the media's role in current global struggles, such as the anti-globalization movement.

The Internet in China examines the cultural and political ramifications of the Internet for Chinese society. The rapid growth of the Internet has been enthusiastically embraced by the Chinese government, but the government has also rushed to seize control of the virtual environment. Individuals have responded with impassioned campaigns against official control of information. The emergence of a civil society via cyberspace has had profound effects upon China--for example, in 2003, based on an Internet campaign, the Chinese Supreme People's Court overturned the ruling of a local court for the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949.
The important question this book asks is not whether the Internet will democratize China, but rather in what ways the Internet is democratizing communication in China. How is the Internet empowering individuals by fostering new types of social spaces and redefining existing social relations?

Digital technology is changing our politics. The World Wide Web is already a powerful influence on the public's access to government documents, the tactics and content of political campaigns, the behavior of voters, the efforts of activists to circulate their messages, and the ways in which topics enter the public discourse. The essays collected here capture the richness of current discourse about democracy and cyberspace. Some contributors offer front-line perspectives on the impact of emerging technologies on politics, journalism, and civic experience. What happens, for example, when we increase access to information or expand the arena of free speech? Other contributors place our shifting understanding of citizenship in historical context, suggesting that notions of cyber-democracy and online community must grow out of older models of civic life. Still others consider the global flow of information and test our American conceptions of cyber-democracy against developments in other parts of the world. How, for example, do new media operate in Castro's Cuba, in post-apartheid South Africa, and in the context of multicultural debates on the Pacific Rim? For some contributors, the new technologies endanger our political culture; for others, they promise civic renewal.

It is widely recognized that internet technology has had a profound effect on political participation in China, but this new use of technology is not unprecedented in Chinese history. This is a pioneering work that systematically describes and analyzes the manner in which the Chinese used telegraphy during the late Qing, and the internet in the contemporary period, to participate in politics. Drawing upon insights from the fields of anthropology, history, political science, and media studies, this book historicizes the internet in China and may change the direction of the emergent field of Chinese internet studies. In contrast to previous works, this book is unprecedented in its perspective, in the depth of information and understanding, in the conclusions it reaches, and in its methodology. Written in a clear and engaging style, this book is accessible to a broad audience.

"For anyone interested in the relationship between politics and mass media, this is a key book. Neil Washbourne combines a compendious knowledge of modern forms of communication with an astute and sophisticated analysis of contemporary politics. Mediating Politics is theoretically subtle and empirically detailed, offering a new perspective on a vital topic." Professor John Street, University of East Anglia, UK "In the vast field that political communication has become Neil Washbourne's book stands out...Admirable and helpful work for both students and scholars new to the topic."Professor Liesbet van Zoonen, Erasmus University, Rotterdam How is politics reported in the media? How does the relationship between the media and political organizations affect the political messages that are conveyed? How do members of the public access and make sense of political messages? This book critically analyses the complex relationship between media and politics, beginning with a discussion of what is meant by the mediating of politics. The author outlines the ways in which political messages are formulated, broadcast and received, as well as examining the ways in which the media and political organisations are linked to one another. The author also analyses the relationship between the media and: Globalisation De-regulation of the media Apathy of audiencesIllustrated throughout with case studies from the US, UK and from across the world, the book also explores: Celebrity politicians How different national media systems encourage (or discourage) political engagement How young people engage with the media and politics How the Internet has affected the organization of politics and news mediaMediating Politics is key reading for media, communication, cultural and political studies students.

为什么极权主义的宣传，比如在纳粹德国和德意志民主共和国，在开始时卓有成效，却最终失败？外界观察家在解释这段时期的宣传时常常犯两个致命的错误。首先，他们假设因为有警察国家的支持，宣传机器得以广泛有效地工作，人们对希特勒和昂纳克欢呼雀跃，因为他们担心不这样做的后果。其次，他们认为，宣传确实成功说服了大多数的公民，纽伦堡集会反映了大多数德国人的想法，大多数东德人相信了马克思列宁主义。二战盟国于是担心，铲除纳粹主义将是非常艰巨的任务。西方知名的学者们或政治家们，没有预计到东德会崩溃得如此迅速。
有效的宣传取决于一系列有说服力的方法，从最温和的建议到公开的暴力，二十世纪的独裁者对此都深有体会。从许多方面来看，现代极权主义运动在本质上是宗教性质的世界观。纳粹主义和马克思列宁主义提供对文化，道德，科学，历史和娱乐的方方面面的解释；他们也提供人们接受现状的原因。
本书考察了纳粹德国和德意志民主共和国使用的所有说服技巧，并试图指出这两个系统最终失败的原因。

Since the mid-1990s, the Internet has revolutionized popular expression in China, enabling users to organize, protest, and influence public opinion in unprecedented ways. Despite efforts to control these activities, online activism has been an agent of immense social change, allowing common citizens to disseminate content and openly challenge the authority of political and economic elites.
Guobin Yang’s pioneering study follows the rise of this dynamic protest and the forces that keep it relevant and unique. Online activism encompasses an innovative range of rituals, genres, and styles, and state efforts to constrain it have only led to more creative acts of subversion. Internet businesses have encouraged these contentious activities, generating an unusual synergy between capitalism and civil organizations that sponsor critique. Based on ten years of meticulous research and grounded in theories of social movements and the public sphere, Yang’s study emphasizes the mutual shaping of technology and society and highlights the important role of a transnational diaspora in the making of a Chinese Internet culture. In conclusion, Yang argues that online activism reflects important structural changes in contemporary China and points to a new era of informational politics.

历史记忆构成一个民族精神生命的一部分，享有共同的历史记忆是民族认同的根基，但如果历史被曲解、阉割、遗忘，则意味着一个民族集体记忆的扭曲和中断，一个失忆或记忆错乱的民族不可能具有健全的心智和人格。
历史教科书具有官方性、权威性、正式性、普及性的特征，它将一个民族的历史记忆深深地嵌入青少年一代的精神世界，因而它是格外重要的“记忆的场所”（sites of memory），是一个民族的“体制化的记忆”（institutionalized memory）。而这种记忆又在很大程度上形塑着新一代公民的认同：我是谁？我与国家或民族（国族）是怎样的关系？作为一个公民，应该如何想、如何做？如何看待与外国（族）的关系？
在国内，人们很少将历史教育与公民教育联系起来。在改革开放前，历史教育主要是意识形态的灌输，是对某种历史观的确证和展开。当这种意识形态逐渐淡化后，历史教育几乎等同于爱国主义教育。在西方国家和日本，中学的历史课是公民教育的核心内容，而历史教科书如何写，关系到是否能够培养出具有现代视野和价值观的、充分知情的公民。这就是本书所要揭示的内容：它不是简单地讨论历史教科书的技术问题、纯知识性问题和审查制度问题，它将历史教科书及其承载的民族历史记忆上升到公民身份、公民认同的高度来考察：我们需要培养什么样的公民，因而需要什么样的历史记忆？或反过来说，某种历史记忆会塑造什么样的公民？本书的一个基本前提是：历史教育，包括历史教科书的编写，其对于民主社会的维系和发展至关重要。

The suffusion of the economy, culture, and society with digital interconnectivity is known as the network society. In this innovative book, Robert Hassan unpacks the dynamics of this new information order and shows how media and politics have been affected. Drawing on ideas from media theory, cultural studies, and the politics of the newly evolving “networked civil society,” Hassan argues that the network society is shot-through with contradictions and in a state of deep flux.</p>
Vital reading for those wishing to understand the network society. For undergraduate and postgraduate students of media, politics, and policy, and general reading.</p>