《共同的底线》的宗旨是从“主义”、“文化”与“部门”的分析中，结合我们特定的“问题”来论证持守底线的意义。
“共同的底线”并不是调和折中。虽然我并不反对调和折中，正如我既不反对自由主义也不反对社会民主主义一样。也许将来在自由主义与社会民主主义之争成为真问题时，我会持某种有原则合逻辑的折中态度，但是现在，我们需要持守底线。

NEW YORK TIMES AND WALL STREET JOURNAL BESTSELLER • From two winners of the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences, “who have demonstrated the importance of societal institutions for a country’s prosperity”

“A wildly ambitious work that hopscotches through history and around the world to answer the very big question of why some countries get rich and others don’t.”—The New York Times

FINALIST: Financial Times and Goldman Sachs Business Book of the Year Award • ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR: The Washington Post, Financial Times, The Economist, BusinessWeek, Bloomberg, The Christian Science Monitor, The Plain Dealer

Why are some nations rich and others poor, divided by wealth and poverty, health and sickness, food and famine? Is it culture, the weather, or geography that determines prosperity or poverty? As Why Nations Failshows, none of these factors is either definitive or destiny.
 
Drawing on fifteen years of original research, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson conclusively show that it is our man-made political and economic institutions that underlie economic success (or the lack of it). Korea, to take just one example, is a remarkably homogenous nation, yet the people of North Korea are among the poorest on earth while their brothers and sisters in South Korea are among the richest. The differences between the Koreas is due to the politics that created those two different institutional trajectories. Acemoglu and Robinson marshal extraordinary historical evidence from the Roman Empire, the Mayan city-states, the Soviet Union, the United States, and Africa to build a new theory of political economy with great relevance for the big questions of today, among them:
 
• Will China’s economy continue to grow at such a high speed and ultimately overwhelm the West?
 
• Are America’s best days behind it? Are we creating a vicious cycle that enriches and empowers a small minority?

“This book will change the way people think about the wealth and poverty of nations . . . as ambitious as Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel.”—BusinessWeek

Among the first anthropologists to work in Eastern Europe, Katherine Verdery had built up a significant base of ethnographic and historical expertise when the major political transformations in the region began to take place. In this collection of essays dealing with the aftermath of Soviet-style socialism and the different forms that may replace it, she explores the nature of socialism in order to understand more fully its consequences. By analyzing her primary data from Romania and Transylvania and synthesizing information from other sources, Verdery lends a distinctive anthropological perspective to a variety of themes common to political and economic studies on the end of socialism: themes such as 'civil society', the creation of market economies, privatization, national and ethnic conflict, and changing gender relations.Under Verdery's examination, privatization and civil society appear not only as social processes, for example, but as symbols in political rhetoric. The classic pyramid scheme is not just a means of enrichment but a site for reconceptualizing the meaning of money and an unusual form of post-Marxist millenarianism. Land being redistributed as private property stretches and shrinks, as in the imaginings of the farmers struggling to tame it. Infused by this kind of ethnographic sensibility, the essays reject the assumption of a transition to capitalism in favor of investigating local processes in their own terms.

Political science and sociology increasingly rely on
mathematical modeling and sophisticated data analysis,
and many graduate programs in these fields now
require students to take a “math camp” or a semesterlong or yearlong course to acquire the necessary skills.
The problem is that most available textbooks are written for mathematics or economics majors, and fail to
convey to students of political science and sociology
the reasons for learning often-abstract mathematical
concepts. A Mathematics Course for Political and Social
Research fills this gap, providing both a primer for math
novices and a handy reference for seasoned researchers.
The book begins with the fundamental building
blocks of mathematics and basic algebra, then goes
on to cover essential subjects such as calculus in one
and more than one variable, including optimization,
constrained optimization, and implicit functions; linear algebra, including Markov chains and eigenvectors;
and probability. It describes the intermediate steps
most other textbooks leave out, features numerous exercises throughout, and grounds all concepts by illustrating their use and importance in political science
and sociology.

《社会科学中的研究设计》重点介绍了运用于政治科学领域的研究设计，以定性研究设计为主题，但同样适用于其他社会科学学科的学生，并且对定量取向的学者也有一定的启发意义。作者整合了定性研究和定量研究所采用方法的共性，目的是提供有效的描述性或因果性推论。作者还进一步指出，定量研究的科学推论原则和建模方法也能帮助定性研究者提供得出更有逻辑、更可靠的推论。

The second volume of the bestselling landmark work on the history of the modern state
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, David Gress called Francis Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order “magisterial in its learning and admirably immodest in its ambition.” In The New York Times Book Review, Michael Lind described the book as “a major achievement by one of the leading public intellectuals of our time.” And in The Washington Post, Gerard DeGrott exclaimed “this is a book that will be remembered. Bring on volume two.”
Volume two is finally here, completing the most important work of political thought in at least a generation. Taking up the essential question of how societies develop strong, impersonal, and accountable political institutions, Fukuyama follows the story from the French Revolution to the so-called Arab Spring and the deep dysfunctions of contemporary American politics. He examines the effects of corruption on governance, and why some societies have been successful at rooting it out. He explores the different legacies of colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and offers a clear-eyed account of why some regions have thrived and developed more quickly than others. And he boldly reckons with the future of democracy in the face of a rising global middle class and entrenched political paralysis in the West.
A sweeping, masterful account of the struggle to create a well-functioning modern state, Political Order and Political Decay is destined to be a classic.

As China is increasingly integrated into the processes of economic, political, social, and cultural globalization, important questions arise about how Chinese people perceive and evaluate such processes. At the same time, international communication scholars have long been interested in how local, national, and transnational media communications shape people’s attitudes and values. Combining these two concerns, this book examines a range of questions pertinent to public opinion toward globalization in urban China: To what degree are the urban residents in China exposed to the influences from the outside world? How many transnational social connections does a typical urban Chinese citizen have? How often do they consume foreign media? To what extent are they aware of the notion of globalization, and what do they think about it? Do they believe that globalization is beneficial to China, to the city where they live, and to them personally? How do people’s social connections and communication activities shape their views toward globalization and the outside world? This book tackles these and other questions systematically by analyzing a four-city comparative survey of urban Chinese residents, demonstrating the complexities of public opinion in China. Media consumption does relate, though by no means straightforwardly, to people’s attitudes and beliefs, and this book provides much needed information and insights about Chinese public opinion on globalization. It also develops fresh conceptual and empirical insights on issues such as public opinion toward US-China relations, Chinese people’s nationalistic sentiments, and approaches to analyze attitudes toward globalization.

This book looks at the lives of migrants in China.

本书写的是三个伟大的经济思想家，他们奠定了20世纪政治经济领域左派、右派和中间派的基础。书中考察了每位思想家的理念是如何发展成熟起来的，他们的思想为何及怎样演变成意识形态，而这些意识形态又是如何同当代政治经济局势相联系。凯恩斯、拉斯基和哈耶克年纪相仿，在学术生涯中是同事，都参与了20世纪决定性的政治事件。这三个人的经历，也是西方怎样把政治经济学定义为政府和市场、管制和自由、阶级和大众之间的选择的历程。

The growth of the internet has been spectacular. There are now more 1.5 billion internet users across the globe, about one quarter of the world's population. This is certainly a new phenomenon that is of enormous significance for the economic, political and social life of contemporary societies. However, much popular and academic writing about the internet takes a technologically deterministic view, assuming that the internet's potential will be realised in essentially transformative ways. This was especially true in the euphoric moment of the mid-1990s, when many commentators wrote about the internet with awe and wonderment. While this moment may be over, its underlying technocentrism - the belief that technology determines outcomes - lingers on, and with it, a failure to understand the internet in its social, economic and political context. Misunderstanding the Internet is a short introduction, encompassing the history, sociology, politics and economics of the internet and its impact on society. The book has a simple three part structure: Part 1 looks at the history of the internet, and offers an overview of the internet's place in society Part 2 focuses on the control and economics of the internet Part 3 examines the internet's political and cultural influence Misunderstanding the Internet is a polemical, sociologically and historically informed textbook that aims to challenge both popular myths and existing academic orthodoxies around the internet.

In the past thirty years, China has transformed from an impoverished country where peasants comprised the largest portion of the populace to an economic power with an expanding middle class and more megacities than anywhere else on earth. This remarkable transformation has required, and will continue to demand, massive quantities of resources. Like every other major power in modern history, China is looking outward to find them.
In By All Means Necessary, Elizabeth C. Economy and Michael Levi explore the unrivaled expansion of the Chinese economy and the global effects of its meteoric growth. China is now engaged in a far-flung quest, hunting around the world for fuel, ores, water, and land for farming, and deploying whatever it needs in the economic, political, and military spheres to secure the resources it requires. Chinese traders and investors buy commodities, with consequences for economies, people, and the environment around the world. Meanwhile the Chinese military aspires to secure sea lanes, and Chinese diplomats struggle to protect the country's interests abroad. And just as surely as China's pursuit of natural resources is changing the world--restructuring markets, pushing up commodity prices, transforming resource-rich economies through investment and trade--it is also changing China itself. As Chinese corporations increasingly venture abroad, they must navigate various political regimes, participate in international markets, and adopt foreign standards and practices, which can lead to wide-reaching social and political ramifications at home.
Clear, authoritative, and provocative, By All Means Necessary is a sweeping account of where China's pursuit of raw materials may take the country in the coming years and what the consequences will be--not just for China, but for the whole world.

为什么同样一个人可以在一个国家推行善政却在另一个国家施行最残暴的独裁？在这里，与其说制度是答案还不如说是问题本身。为什么比利时的制度越来越民主，而同一时期，同一领导人的刚果，却越来越独裁？难道是因为利奥波德二世只爱本国人或者有种族歧视？但后来刚果自己“选”出来的领导人并没有做得更好，仍然是一个糟糕的独裁者。
在《独裁者手册》这本书里，梅斯奎塔和史密斯研究多年，得出了一个能够相当完美地解释这一政治现象的理论，即：不管是国家、公司还是国际组织，其政治格局不能简单地以“民主”和“独裁”来划分，而必须用民意选民、实际选民、胜利联盟的数字多少来描写。如果胜利联盟的人数很多，那么这个国家就是我们通常所说的民主国家。反过来，如果胜利联盟的人数非常少，那么不管这个国家有没有选举，都是事实上的非民主国家。据此，很容易明白：在刚果，利奥波德二世只需要让少数人高兴就足以维持自己的统治；而在比利时，他必须让很多人满意才行。
不得不提，对任何想理解政治的真正运作方式的人来说，《独裁者手册》都是一本必读的书，无论是政治领域的政治还是商业界的政治，无论是在独裁国家还是在民主国家。

英国著名政治学家约翰·麦克莱兰的《群众与暴民》撷取“群众”现象描绘欧洲思想史，追溯2500年来欧洲社会中的群众现象、群众理论的沿革，细数并重点阐述了柏拉图、李维、塔西陀、马基雅弗利、孟德斯鸠、吉本、卡莱尔、米什莱、泰纳、塔尔德、勒邦、弗洛伊德、卡内蒂等16位群众心理学代表人物的思想。
在西方思想史上，“群众”是社会心理学和群众心理学的研究对象，本书所论“群众”与中国读者熟悉的推进中国现代化事业进程的“群众”大异其趣。本书研究的是欧洲诸国历史上“群众”的运行、功能与危害，浓墨重彩地解析近代欧洲革命、战争、动乱里的非理性思想和行为，有极强的现实针对性。作者思想缜密、批判犀利，读之如醍醐灌顶，令人警醒。

芝加哥大学、普林斯顿大学等多所名校倾情推荐
政治学科理论的百科全书
［编辑推荐］
畅销40年的政治学经典读物：本书在西方畅销40年，是公众理解政治学的必备读物，是政治学类书籍难以逾越的学术成果集结。本书得到了数十所世界顶尖大学（如普林斯顿大学、芝加哥大学）教授的联袂推荐。
打破学科内派系的限制，将西方政治学核心理论一网打尽：本书囊括了政治学领域内的经典文章共53篇，分为无政府状态、武力的使用、国际政治经济学与全球化、世界政治中的当代议题四个部分十六个章节，几乎将政治学核心理论一网打尽，汇聚了世界上最出色的政治学者的观点，或相互印证，或互为补充，或针锋相对，为读者提供了一种更为多元的思考问题的方式，一种更为广阔的审视国际政治的视角。
注重现实与理论的结合，立足社会热点：除了介绍政治学领域的核心理论之外，本书还特别关注现实与理论的结合，将与社会热点相关的研究独立成篇，重点介绍了关于恐怖主义、国际干预、人权、跨国行为体、全球公地、全球治理、未来发展的问题，向读者们展现了国际政治学者是如何思考现实世界的，引导读者学以致用。
［内容简介］
本书畅销40年，是理解政治学的必备读物。它囊括了政治学领域内的经典文章共53篇，分为无政府状态、武力的使用、国际政治经济学与全球化、世界政治中的当代议题四个部分，将政治核心理论一网打尽，汇聚了世界上最出色的政治学者的观点，或相互印证，或互为补充，或针锋相对，为读者提供了一种更为多元的思考问题的方式，一种更为广阔的审视国际政治的视角。
［推荐语］
本书将国际关系领域内最优秀的作品汇集成册，涵盖了该学科里的核心理论，书中所选的一流的作品深入浅出，展现了不同的、甚至针锋相对的学术观点。本书向读者展现了国际关系学者是如何看待身边的现实世界的，这是一本完美的国际政治学启蒙书籍。
——约翰·J·米尔斯海默（John J. Mearsheimer），芝加哥大学政治学教授
如果这书并不存在，那么也会出现相同内容的另一本书，但谁能像阿特和杰维斯做得这么好？作为一本介绍国际政治学科经典理论与争议的作品，本书的地位是无法超越的。
——罗伯特·O·基欧汉（Robert O. Keohane），普林斯顿大学公共与国际事务学院教授

《通往奴役之路》（The Road to Serfdom）是诺贝尔经济学奖得主弗里德里克·哈耶克的最知名著作，这本书最先在1944年于英国由Routledge Press出版，接著在1944年9月由芝加哥大学出版。读者文摘在1945年4月也出版了稍微减缩的版本，最后总共销售超过600,000本。Look杂志在1950年左右出版了加上图片的版本，后来又被通用汽车公司以小册子形式大量发放。这本书被翻译成超过20种语言出版，哈耶克称要将这本书献给“所有党派的社会主义者”读一读。该书的第50周年纪念版本则由米尔顿·佛利民（另一名诺贝尔奖得主）撰写序言。《通往奴役之路》一书是对古典自由主义和自由意志主义理论的阐述中最著名、而又最受欢迎的书籍之一。

In this, one of Dewey's most accessible works, he surveys the history of liberal thought from John Locke to John Stuart Mill, in his search to find the core of liberalism for today's world. While liberals of all stripes have held to some very basic values-liberty, individuality, and the critical use of intelligence - earlier forms of liberalism restricted the state function to protecting its citizens while allowing free reign to socio-economic forces. But, as society matures, so must liberalism as it reaches out to redefine itself in a world where government must play a role in creating an environment in which citizens can achieve their potential. Dewey's advocacy of a positive role for government - a new liberalism - nevertheless finds him rejecting radical Marxists and fascists who would use violence and revolution rather than democratic methods to aid the citizenry.

What would happen to international politics if the dead rose from the grave and started to eat the living? Daniel Drezner's groundbreaking book answers the question that other international relations scholars have been too scared to ask. Addressing timely issues with analytical bite, Drezner looks at how well-known theories from international relations might be applied to a war with zombies. Exploring the plots of popular zombie films, songs, and books, "Theories of International Politics and Zombies" predicts realistic scenarios for the political stage in the face of a zombie threat and considers how valid - or how rotten - such scenarios might be. Drezner boldly lurches into the breach and 'stress tests' the ways that different approaches to world politics would explain policy responses to the living dead. He examines the most prominent international relations theories - including realism, liberalism, constructivism, neoconservatism, and bureaucratic politics - and decomposes their predictions. He digs into prominent zombie films and novels, such as Night of the Living Dead and World War Z, to see where essential theories hold up and where they would stumble and fall. Drezner argues that by thinking about outside-of-the-box threats we get a cognitive grip on what former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld famously referred to as the 'unknown unknowns' in international security. Correcting the zombie gap in international relations thinking and addressing the genuine but publicly unacknowledged fear of the dead rising from the grave, "Theories of International Politics and Zombies" presents political tactics and strategies accessible enough for any zombie to digest.

States over the past 500 years have become the dominant institutions on Earth, exercising vast and varied authority over the economic well-being, health, welfare, and very lives of their citizens. This concise and engaging book explains how power became centralized in states at the expense of the myriad of other polities that had battled one another over previous millennia.
Richard Lachmann traces the contested and historically contingent struggles by which subjects began to see themselves as citizens of nations and came to associate their interests and identities with states, and explains why the civil rights and benefits they achieved, and the taxes and military service they in turn rendered to their nations, varied so much. Looking forward, Lachmann examines the future in store for states: will they gain or lose strength as they are buffeted by globalization, terrorism, economic crisis and environmental disaster?
This stimulating book offers a comprehensive evaluation of the social science literature that addresses these issues and situates the state at the center of the world history of capitalism, nationalism and democracy. It will be essential reading for scholars and students across the social and political sciences.

从平均主义盛行到悬殊的贫富差距，中国仅用了短短的十几年时间。面对贫穷，中国的传统文化游刃有余，然而面对财富，却捉襟见肘。在公平与正义的旗帜下，人们有充分的理由追问：财富是如何集中在素质低下者和品质恶劣者手中的，又对社会发展造成了什么样的影响？
中国的现代化之路当然不会一帆风顺。现在的问题是中国将如何通过深化改革，跨越诸如腐败、软政权化、分利集团化、地方恶势力以及黑色经济等已经形成、或正在形成的陷阱。

《法国大革命中的政治文化和阶级》是作者对过去简单的政治史研究，转而探讨法国大革命中的政治文化；因为在政治文化中，我们可以知晓在革命中政治行动的内在逻辑，理解革命者的价值、期望，以及固有的规则如何被表达并形成集体的意愿与行动。通过研究革命中的象征实践即特定的象征和仪式，亨特认为，革命者的政治实践并不是简单地表达着他们基本的经济和社会利益，事实上，通过他们的语言、象征、仪式和每天的政治行为，革命者重构了与过去完全不同的社会和社会关系。
《法国大革命中的政治文化和阶级》被评为最出色的介绍新社会文化史的著作。作者从政治、文化和阶级的角度论述法国大革命的内在复杂关系，从而了解法国大革命史如何改变了普通民众的生活。本书为读者提供了一个易读、激动人心的读本。