《支配社会学》包括了支配的结构及其功能形态、官僚制支配的本质、前提条件及其开展、家父长制支配与家产制支配、封建制、身份制国家与家产制、卡理斯玛支配及其变形、政治支配与教权制支配。

The concept of the case is a basic feature of social science research and yet many questions about how a case should be defined, selected, and judged are far from settled. The contributors to this volume probe the nature of the case and the ways in which different understandings of the concept affect the conduct and the results of research. The contributions demonstrate that the work of any given researcher is often characterised by some hybrid of these basic approaches, and it is important to understand that most research involves multiple definitions and uses of cases, as both specific empirical phenomena and as general theoretical categories.

《找回国家》是一部比较公共政策分析的理论和实证论文集，由三个篇章组成：第一篇考察新兴发展巾国家的国家战略；第二篇重点分析现代欧洲早期发动战争与缔造国家的历史，以及国家与“二战”后国际经济的相关关系；第三篇则重新审视了国家如何影响政治分化和集体行动的议题。《找回国家》涉及比较政治学、比较公共政策、比较政治经济学等领域，引用率甚高。

在本书中，斯考切波要揭示的是，国家结构、国际力量和阶级关系这三种要素是如何结合在一起，共同导致了社会革命转型的起源与成就。从18世纪90年代的法国到20世纪70年代的越南，社会革命虽然很少发生，但却在现代世界历史上具有无可否认的重要性。《国家与社会革命》提供了一种新的参照框架，以分析这种革命的原因、冲突和后果。而且、该书对三个主要的案例进行了深入而严肃的比较历史分析，这三个案例是：从1787年到19世纪初期的法国革命、从1917年到20世纪30年代的俄国革命和从1911年到20世纪60年代的中国革命。    作者认为，现有的革命理论，不适合用来解释革命的实际历史模式。因此，作者力促我们采用一种新的分析视角。她主张进行结构性论而非意志论的分析，强调跨国性世界-历史背景对国内政治冲突的重要作用。首先，她坚持认为，国家应该被看成是一套行政和强制组织、在阶级控制和阶级利益面前具有潜在的自主性，因此，在解释社会革命时，必须把国家置于核心地位。    为了解释法国、俄国、和中国旧制度的导向革命性政治危机的内在矛盾，斯考切波主要集中考察了国家在两个方面的基本关系：一方面是国家的统治者及其官员与国际竞争者之间的关系；另一方面是国家的统治者及其官员与支配阶级之间的关系。在解释革命的后果时，她着重关注的是，在阶级冲突和反革命军事威胁的背景下，革命领导集团建立新国家组织的方式。在革命政权得以巩固之后，她强调的是国家权力被用来改造社会的方式。在社会革命转型的模式方面，法国、俄国和中国被当成是基本类似的案例。对那些把法国革命当成是典型的资产阶级革命、或者是把俄国革命基本上看成是无产阶级的社会主义革命的理论家而言，作者的这种观点必然会引出激烈的争论。

《北平生活之分析》是基于1926年对北平手艺工人和小学教员家庭生活状况调查而撰写的研究报告，清晰地再现了当时北平工人及小学教员的生活情形。该报告是20世纪20年代社会调查研究报告的一个经典范本，主要体现在作者对严谨、系统调查研究方法的追求上。从该书第一章“绪论”到第三章的“名词之解释”，基本都是在介绍、陈述和解释调查研究的过程、步骤、方法和技术。作者不仅详细介绍了调查范围的确定以及具体调查步骤，并对调查中所涉及的关键概念也进行了明确的界定。报告用三分之一的篇幅来阐述调查研究的过程，表明作者非常重视研究方法的科学性。作者所呈现的调查数据分析，既简明又非常有效，既朴实又能切中要害。

艺术是社会学的难题：因为艺术领域所推崇的价值观——独特性与普世性，正是传统社会学要探讨的问题。与其他领域不同的是，通过研究艺术，社会学者可以把握立场的转移，这对艺术社会学乃至社会学的整体实践都有着重要影响。在《艺术为社会学带来什么》中，我们关注的不再是社会学对艺术的贡献，而是艺术为社会学带来什么，也即观察行为者接受艺术的多种方式，以及其中潜伏的价值关系。因此，我们有必要重新审视已有的理论与方法，反思传统社会学的某些顽固的思维习惯。有时，这些习惯已转变为一种僵化的社会认知模式，甚至沦落为一种社会学意识形态。

Ever since the discovery of Marx's Early Writings, most of the literature concerned with Marx's intellectual development has centred around the so-called gap between the 'young' Marx, who was considered to be a humanist thinker, and the 'older' Marx, who was held to be a determinist with little concern for anything outside his narrow theory of historical materialism. Dr Avineri claims that such a gap between the 'young' and 'older' Marx did not exist. He supports his claim by a detailed study of the whole corpus of Marx's writing on social and political thought.

《塘镇:乡镇社会的利益博弈与协调》以塘镇为例，通过对围绕村级选举、涉煤利益、村组利益、征地利益、镇干部身份利益而展开的博弈事件的案例调查，研究分析了当前乡镇社会不同利益主体之间的博弈与协调。作者发展性地提出了“作为武器的弱者”这一概念，建构了依势博弈的理论解释框架，丰富了乡镇社会理论研究的内容，其研究结论对理解转型时期的乡镇社会和促进和谐社会的构建，也具有一定的参考价值。

What does the durability of political institutions have to do with how actors form knowledge about them? Andreas Glaeser investigates this question in the context of a fascinating historical case: socialist East Germany's unexpected self-dissolution in 1989. His analysis builds on extensive in-depth interviews with former secret police officers and the dissidents they tried to control as well as research into the documents both groups produced. In particular, Glaeser analyzes how these two opposing factions' understanding of the socialist project came to change in response to countless everyday experiences. These investigations culminate in answers to two questions: why did the officers not defend socialism by force? And how was the formation of dissident understandings possible in a state that monopolized mass communication and group formation? He also explores why the Stasi, although always well informed about dissident activities, never developed a realistic understanding of the phenomenon of dissidence. Out of this ambitious study, Glaeser extracts two distinct lines of thought. On the one hand he offers an epistemic account of socialism's failure that differs markedly from existing explanations. On the other hand he develops a theory - a sociology of understanding - that shows us how knowledge can appear validated while it is at the same time completely misleading.

The Inclusion of the Other contains Habermasa s most recent work in political theory and political philosophy. Here Habermas picks up some of the central themes of Between Facts and Norms and elaborates them in relation to current political debates. One of the distinctive features of Habermasa s work has been its approach to the problem of political legitimacy through a sustained reflection on the dual legitimating and regulating function of modern legal systems. Extending his discourse theory of normative validity to the legal--political domain, Habermas has defended a proceduralist conception of deliberative democracy in which the burden of legitimating state power is borne by informal and legally institutionalized processes of political deliberation. Its guiding intuition is the radical democratic idea that there is an internal relation between the rule of law and popular sovereignty. In these essays he brings this discursive and proceduralist analysis of political legitimacy to bear on such urgent contemporary issues as the enduring legacy of the welfare state, the future of the nation state, and the prospects of a global politics of human rights. This book will be essential reading for students and academics in sociology and social theory, politics and political theory, philosophy and the social sciences generally.

本书由雷蒙·阿隆和丹尼尔·贝尔共同主编，从社会学、政治学、哲学、法学、文学分析和文体论的视角对托克维尔的民主思想进行了梳理，显示出诠释和评论方法的不同性。正如导言所说：“它汇集了不同地区和机构的研究人员和知识分子的论述，他们的鼎鼎大名足以标志近几十年来托克维尔研究的强劲势头，以及作为今天后继有人保障的青年研究人员近期著述成果。”

Too often we think of the modern political state as a universal institution, the inevitable product of History rather than a specific creation of a very particular history. Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum here persuasively argue that the origin of the state is a social fact, arising out of the peculiar sociohistorical context of Western Europe. Drawing on historical materials and bringing sociological insights to bear on a field long abandoned to jurists and political scientists, the authors lay the foundations for a strikingly original theory of the birth and subsequent diffusion of the state.
The book opens with a review of the principal evolutionary theories concerning the origin of the institution proposed by such thinkers as Marx, Durkheim, and Weber. Rejecting these views, the authors set forward and defend their thesis that the state was an "invention" rather than a necessary consequence of any other process. Once invented, the state was disseminated outside its Western European birthplace either through imposition or imitation. The study concludes with concrete analyses of the differences in actual state institutions in France, Prussia, Great Britain, the United States, and Switzerland.

Popkin develops a model of rational peasant behavior and shows how village procedures result from the self-interested interactions of peasants. This political economy view of peasant behavior stands in contrast to the model of a distinctive peasant moral economy in which the village community is primarily responsible for ensuring the welfare of its members.

《农民的道义经济学》是美国著名学者、耶鲁大学教授詹姆斯•C.斯科特于1976年出版的有关农民问题的著作，它集中体现了斯科特理论阐释与个案分析相结合的实证主义研究特色。
作者在书中指出，在“安全第一”的生存伦理下，农民追求的不是收入的最大化，而是较低的风险分配与较高的生存保障。随后，作者从东南亚的缅甸和越南农业社会的历史发展轨迹，特别是农民的反叛和起义入手，探究了市场资本主义的兴起对传统农业社会的巨大冲击。作者据此认为，贫困本身并不是农民反叛的原因，农业商品化和官僚国家的发展所催生的租佃和税收制度，侵犯了农民生存的伦理道德和社会公正感，迫使农民铤而走险，奋起反抗。
《农民的道义经济学》是一部真正从农民的角度出发，更为现实地考察农民生存和反叛问题的力作，它对研究亚洲乃至世界其它国家的农民问题，都有着极为现实的借鉴意义。

《社会分层与不平等(历史比较全球视角下的阶级冲突第7版)/社会学人类学译丛》作者哈罗德·R.克博》
《社会分层与不平等：历史、比较、全球视角下的阶级冲突》一书的第七版为我们提供一项对人类社会的经济和社会分工领域的综合性的最新研究。本书的新颖之处在于通过广泛地比较，以及对社会阶层变迁和演化历程的概观，为读者展现了一种讨论阶层冲突问题的全球性视角。作者通过运用最新的统计数据，反映出社会学领域最新的研究趋势。本书的英文原著自出版以来，赢得了美国大学师生的广泛赞赏，成为社会学专业的经典入门教材，同时也受到关注社会问题的普通读者们的喜爱。

本书共分七编，包括功能主义理论、进化理论、冲突理论、批判理论、交换理论、互动理论、结构理论，论述充分，结构严谨，对社会学理论的基本流派和代表人物进行了详尽介绍。
本书作为社会学理论的经典教材，现已出至第七版，因此得以吸纳最为晚近的社会学理论发展，以及作者本^对社会学理论的最新理解和诠释。
本书附有配套网络版（见www.sociology.wadsworth.com），不仅补充有非常丰富的社会学资料，也为作者读者设置了理想的互动平台，和本书相互补充、相得益彰。

Organized along the same lines as Three Sociological Traditions, Four Sociological Traditions is Randall Collins' updated guide to the development of modern sociology. Explaining in a brief, readable format the 4 main schools of sociological thought, this book represents a concise intellectual history of the development of sociology. Widely adopted as either a main or supplemental text, Four Sociological Traditions presents clearly the conflict tradition of Marx and Weber, the ritual solidarity tradition of Durkheim, and the microinteractionist tradition of Mead, Blumer, and Garfinkel, and - new in this edition - the rational choice/utilitarian tradition. One of the most lively and exciting writers in sociology, Randall Collins introduces students to the roots of social theory, indicating areas where progress has been made in our understanding, as well as those areas where controversy still exists. Students will find Four Sociological Traditions a fresh, thorough, and thought-provoking examination.

《连线力》，最关切我们未来的“思想@网络.中国”丛书之一，互联网中国传媒参考书。
中国网民在行动。在中国的广大网民中，普遍存在着对正义的渴望和追求，对弱者和小人物的同情， 对贪官污吏的痛恶，对政府的失望， 对权贵的嘲讽，对沟通的渴望，甚至对革命的呼唤。这些因素有着共同的内在逻辑，即情感逻辑。在这个意义上，情感汹涌的网络事件，是整个中国社会情感结构的脉络。
1994年，中国开通了全功能的网络连接。在近20年的发展过程中，诞生了一个充满活力与矛盾的网络文化。它富有想象力，充满幽默，抨击社会不公。普通人通过网络进行交流、获取信息、参与维权与抗争，从而获得自我实现、社群团结以及草根赋权的新体验。与此同时，网络的管制也日益收紧。发生在大变革时代的网络行动, 与宏观的社会、经济、政治、和文化的变迁紧密相连。本书展示的，是互联网时代的网民如何克服客观条件的限制，拓展表达和参与的空间，构建新时代的电子公民行动。连线的力量，依赖网络但根源于民众，凝聚了人民对自由与正义的渴望和追求。