按照麦克·布洛维的分类，存在着四种社会学：专业的社会学；批判的社会学；以及公共的社会学。专业社会学是所有社会学的基础。但是，社会学家基于自己的专业基础，却可以而且应当发展出其他的社会学取向。公共社会学以公民社会的存在和成长为自己的基本目标，即在维系和发展公民社会的同时，达到对公民社会的认识。
《公共社会学》是布洛维教授在大陆出版的第一本中文作品集，收集了布洛维学术生涯中的几篇经典文章，包括《保卫公共社会学》、《社会学和社会的命运》、《拓展个案法》、《社会学的马克思主义》等。阐述了布洛维教授深入研究公共社会学的主要成果。

本书为国际知名社会学家的代表作，也是政治社会学领域的经典之作。作者在系统介绍了政治社会学的几位奠基人物——马克思、韦伯、杜尔克姆、托克维尔等——的理论体系的基础上，从各派观点着手理清政治社会学的分析，并对现代大都市的权力与政治、政党和政治党派意识、公民政治参与、现代世界的民族国家建设等问题作了清晰的阐述。本书适合作为政治学系、社会学系的教材。

The difference between French and German definitions of citizenship is instructive - and, for millions of immigrants from North Africa, Turkey, and Eastern Europe, decisive. Rogers Brubaker explores this difference - between the territorial basis of the French citizenry and the German emphasis on blood descent - and shows how it translates into rights and restrictions for millions of would-be French and German citizens.

大众政治经常被轻蔑地称为“街头骚乱”，但在查特杰看来，它却是今天的政治现代性在其中正在不断被打造出来的地方。群众政治在世界范围内的兴起导致了治理人口新技术的发展。一方面，大众主权观念获得广泛接受。另一方面，安全和福利技术的增生造就了对人口进行行政管理而不是提供公民以民主磋商舞台的现代政府机构。...

This is a collection of scholarly essays on state, society and politics in the Third World, with cases drawn from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Latin America. The introductory chapter outlines the theoretical approach of the contributors and the concluding chapter summarizes the importance of their studies and the contribution of the volume to general theory in comparative politics. The book is relevant to the growing state theory literature in the social sciences and it puts forward a state-in-society approach to the study of political development.

《转变中的工商所:1949年后国家基础权力的演变及其逻辑》追溯广州市工商所发展的历史以及现实的运作以此为切入点考察1949年后中国所谓“国家基础权力”的发展从一个侧面和角度来把握1949后中国政治变迁的轨迹全书聚焦于以下三个问题第一，1949年后中国国家基础权力究竟发生了何种演变，第二，1949年后影响国家基础权力发展的因素是什么，第三，国家基础权力如何影响了国家与社会关系的展开？

Blending political, historical, and sociological analysis, Bernard S. Silberman offers a provocative explanation for the bureaucratic development of the modern state. The study of modern state bureaucracy has its origins in Max Weber's analysis of the modes of social domination, which Silberman takes as his starting point.
Whereas Weber contends that the administration of all modern nation-states would eventually converge in one form characterized by rationality and legal authority, Silberman argues that the process of bureaucratic rationalization took, in fact, two courses. One path is characterized by permeable organizational boundaries and the allocation of information by "professionals." The other features well-defined boundaries and the allocation of information by organizational rules. Through case studies of France, Japan, the United States, and Great Britain, Silberman demonstrates that this divergence stems from differences in leadership structure and in levels of uncertainty about leadership succession in the nineteenth century.
Silberman concludes that the rise of bureacratic rationality was primarily a response to political problems rather than social and economic concerns. Cages of Reason demonstrates how rationalization can have occurred over a wide range of cultures at various levels of economic development. It will be of considerable interest to readers in a number of disciplines: political science, sociology, history, and public administration.
"Silberman has produced an invaluable, densely packed work that those with deep knowledge of public administrative development will find extremely rewarding." —David H. Rosenbloom, American Political Science Review
"An erudite, incisive, and vibrant book, the product of intensive study and careful reflection. Given its innovative theoretical framework and the wealth of historical materials contained in it, this study will generate debate and stimulate research in sociology, political science, and organizational theory. It is undoubtedly the best book on the comparative evolution of the modern state published in the last decade."—Mauro F. Guillen, Contemporary Sociology

马克斯·韦伯，德国著名社会学家，他是社会学的大师，犹如牛顿之与物理学，也是现代一位最具生命力和影响力思想家。科塞评价说：韦伯以永不停息的斗争为代价获得了清晰透彻的认识。很少有人达到他那样的深度。他带来的是对人和社会的深刻理解。他对社会行动中的磨难、悲剧以及偶尔的成功的超脱的关注，使他成为社会分析的科学和艺术的至今无人能及的大师。如果说八十年代以前的中国知识界对韦伯还很陌生的话，那么经过至今余温尚存的“韦伯热”，大家对“祛魅”(Disenchantment)、“理想型”(I deal Type)等韦伯特有的术语已耳熟能详了。八十年代中后期以来，大陆市场上的韦伯作品层出不穷，但一直不成系统，各个译本的译品亦参差不齐。此次广西师大出版社引进的台湾钱永祥等先生合力译出的韦伯作品集，填补了一直以来的缺憾。
在现代社会中，“法律社会”与“法治国家”等词汇已是耳熟能详。然而，法律到底是怎么来的？法律的演进过程如何？法律在人类社会中到底抵演了何种角色？本书即试图解答这些问题。作者挟其浑厚的法学与史学素养，从比较人类各大文明入手，深入探讨了“法”的缘起与演化，从纷纭复杂的史实中爬梳举例，阐明了法律与政治、经济、宗教等社会各层面的关系。本书适时的引进出版，我们有理由相信，韦伯关于人与法的如炬洞察和深邃的理论阐释对中国的法治化建设不无意义。

A comprehensive study of the ideas and practice of the French Labour Movement between 1900 and 1914. Part one sets the syndicalist movement against its historical background, pointing to the forces which helped to shape the attitudes of the French worker, French political culture, economic developments, the influence of earlier socialist and anarchist thinkers and the failure of parliamentary democracy. The central section examines in detail the ideological development of the French Labour Movement during the syndicalist phase. As Professor Ridley points out, syndicalist ideas are interesting in their own right as part of the history of socialist thought but also because many of them are echoed today by supporters of the 'extra-parliamentary opposition'. There are obvious parallels too, between the 'direct action' of syndicalism and the tactics of present-day movements. In a final section professor Ridley discusses syndicalism in the wider political and ideological context of its time, taking into account the development of the inter-war years.

* Winner of the C. Wright Mills Award of the Society for the Study of Social Problems and the Distinguished Scholarly Publication Award of the American Sociological Association
In a dazzling new interpretation of four hundred years of modern French history, Charles Tilly focuses not on kings and courtiers but on the common people of village and farm buffeted by the inexorable advance of large-scale capitalism and the consolidation of a powerful nation-state. Tilly, author of The Vend�e and many other books, chooses the contention of the masses as his medium in painting this vivid picture of the people's growing ability and willingness to fight injustice, challenge exploitation, and claim their own place in the hierarchy of power.
Contention is not necessarily disorder. The more we look at contention, says Tilly, the more we discover order created by the rooting of collective action in everyday social life through a continuous process of signaling, negotiation, and struggle. In seventeenth-century France, ordinary people did not know how to demonstrate, rally, or strike, but they had standard procedures for expelling a tax collector, undermining a corrupt official, and shaming moral offenders. By the end of the eighteenth century, French people were experimenting with delegations, public meetings, and popular justice. Through the nineteenth century, with the growth of an industrial proletariat, they developed an extensive repertoire of strikes, demonstrations, and direct attacks on landlords and capitalists, as well as conflicts setting worker against worker. In the twentieth century, scenarios of protest expanded to even larger-scale forms such as mass meetings, electoral campaigns, and broad-based social movements.
Rather than arguing these developments in the abstract, The Contentious French provides lively descriptions of real events, with pauses to make sense of their patterns. The result is a view of politics with the common struggle for power at its core and the changing structure of power as its envelope.
The Contentious French is bound to be controversial, and therefore required reading for specialists in European history, social movements, and collective action. Its fresh approach will also appeal to students and general readers.

During the first decade of the twenty-first century, worker resistance in China increased rapidly despite the fact that certain segments of the state began moving in a pro-labor direction. In explaining this, Eli Friedman argues that the Chinese state has become hemmed in by an “insurgency trap” of its own devising and is thus unable to tame expansive worker unrest. Labor conflict in the process of capitalist industrialization is certainly not unique to China and indeed has appeared in a wide array of countries around the world. What is distinct in China, however, is the combination of postsocialist politics with rapid capitalist development.
Other countries undergoing capitalist industrialization have incorporated relatively independent unions to tame labor conflict and channel insurgent workers into legal and rationalized modes of contention. In contrast, the Chinese state only allows for one union federation, the All China Federation of Trade Unions, over which it maintains tight control. Official unions have been unable to win recognition from workers, and wildcat strikes and other forms of disruption continue to be the most effective means for addressing workplace grievances. In support of this argument, Friedman offers evidence from Guangdong and Zhejiang provinces, where unions are experimenting with new initiatives, leadership models, and organizational forms.

In Inside China's Automobile Factories, Lu Zhang explores the current conditions, subjectivity, and collective actions of autoworkers in the world's largest and fastest-growing automobile manufacturing nation. Based on years of fieldwork and extensive interviews conducted at seven large auto factories in various regions of China, Zhang provides an inside look at the daily factory life of autoworkers and a deeper understanding of the roots of rising labor unrest in the auto industry. Combining original empirical data and sophisticated analysis that moves from the shop floor to national political economy and global industry dynamics, the book develops a multilayered framework for understanding how labor relations in the auto industry and broader social economy can be expected to develop in China in the coming decades.
• The first ethnographic study of Chinese autoworkers, based on years of fieldwork and extensive interviews • Sociological analysis paired with fine-grained ethnographic detail • Multilayered framework of interactions of shop-floor, national and global processes for understanding the major transformations taking place in China's labor front as well as its economic society

The essays in this volume present the view that such collective actions as riots, protests, strikes and rebellions are coherent, if often unsuccessful attempts by working class people to defend or advance well-defined interests. Using as examples a series of case studies from 18th, 19th and 20th century Europe, the contributors present a new perspective on worker reactions to the strategies of the elite.

《社会科学中的研究设计》重点介绍了运用于政治科学领域的研究设计，以定性研究设计为主题，但同样适用于其他社会科学学科的学生，并且对定量取向的学者也有一定的启发意义。作者整合了定性研究和定量研究所采用方法的共性，目的是提供有效的描述性或因果性推论。作者还进一步指出，定量研究的科学推论原则和建模方法也能帮助定性研究者提供得出更有逻辑、更可靠的推论。

Philosophy of Social Science provides a tightly argued yet accessible introduction to the philosophical foundations of the human sciences, including economics, anthropology, sociology, political science, psychology, history, and the disciplines emerging at the intersections of these subjects with biology. Philosophy is unavoidable for social scientists because the choices they make in their disciplines force them to take sides on philosophical matters. Conversely, the philosophy of social science is equally necessary for philosophers since the social sciences must inform their understanding of human action, norms, and social institutions. The third edition retains an illuminating interpretation of the enduring relations between the conduct of inquiry in the social sciences and the fundamental problems of philosophy, with accessible considerations of positivism, European philosophy of history, causation, statistical laws, quantitative models, and postempiricist social science, and it reflects developments in social research over the past two decades that have informed debate in the philosophy of social science.

Challenging prevailing theories of development and labor, Gay Seidman's controversial study explores how highly politicized labor movements could arise simultaneously in Brazil and South Africa, two starkly different societies. Beginning with the 1960s, Seidman shows how both authoritarian states promoted specific rapid-industrialization strategies, in the process reshaping the working class and altering relationships between business and the state. When economic growth slowed in the 1970s, workers in these countries challenged social and political repression; by the mid-1980s, they had become major voices in the transition from authoritarian rule. Based in factories and working-class communities, these movements enjoyed broad support as they fought for improved social services, land reform, expanding electoral participation, and racial integration. In Brazil, Seidman takes us from the shopfloor, where disenfranchized workers organized for better wages and working conditions, to the strikes and protests that spread to local communities. Similar demands for radical change emerged in South Africa, where community groups in black townships joined organized labor in a challenge to minority rule that linked class consciousness to racial oppression. Seidman details the complex dynamics of these militant movements and develops a broad analysis of how newly industrializing countries shape the opportunities for labor to express demands. Her work will be welcomed by those interested in labor studies, social theory, and the politics of newly industrializing regions.