Why did some Latin American labor-based parties adapt successfully to the contemporary challenges of neoliberalism and working class decline while others did not? Drawing on a detailed study of the Argentine Peronism, as well as a broader comparative analysis, this book develops an organizational approach to party change. Levitsky's study breaks new ground in its focus on informal and weakly institutionalized party structures. It argues that loosely structured party organizations, such as those found in many populist labor-based parties, are often better equipped to adapt to rapid environmental change than are more bureaucratic labor-based parties. The argument is illustrated in the case of Peronism, a mass labor-based party with a highly fluid internal structure. The book shows how this weakly routinized structure allowed party reformers to undertake a set of far-reached coalitional and programmatic changes that enabled Peronism to survive, and even thrive, in the neoliberal era.

A timely exploration into a topic somewhat neglected in recent year, filling a gap in the affective sciences literature
Provides an interdisciplinary account of the topic, providing information of interest to those across psychology, philosophy, and sociology
Considers collective emotions both in the physical and the virtual world
Although collective emotions have a long tradition in scientific inquiry, for instance in mass psychology and the sociology of rituals and social movements, their importance for individuals and the social world has never been more obvious than in the past decades. The Arab Spring revolution, the Occupy Wall Street movement, and mass gatherings at music festivals or mega sports events clearly show the impact collective emotions have both in terms of driving conflict and in uniting people. But these examples only show the most obvious and evident forms of collective emotions. Others are more subtle, although less important: shared moods, emotional atmospheres, and intergroup emotions are part and parcel of our social life. Although these phenomena go hand in hand with any formation of sociality, they are little understood. Moreover, there still is a large gap in our understanding of individual emotions on the one hand and collective emotional phenomena on the other hand.
This book presents a comprehensive overview of contemporary theories and research on collective emotions. It spans several disciplines and brings together, for the first time, various strands of inquiry and up-to-date research in the study of collective emotions and related phenomena. In focusing on conceptual, theoretical, and methodological issues in collective emotion research, the volume narrows the gap between the wealth of studies on individual emotions and inquiries into collective emotions. The book catches up with a renewed interest into the collective dimensions of emotions and their close relatives, for example emotional climates, atmospheres, communities, and intergroup emotions. This interest is propelled by a more general increase in research on the social and interpersonal aspects of emotion on the one hand, and by trends in philosophy and cognitive science towards refined conceptual analyses of collective entities and the collective properties of cognition on the other hand. The book includes sections on: Conceptual Perspectives; Collective Emotion in Face-to-Face Interactions; The Social-Relational Dimension of Collective Emotion; The Social Consequences of Collective Emotions; Group-Based and Intergroup Emotion; Rituals, Movements, and Social Organization; and Collective Emotions in Online Social Systems.
Including contributions from psychologists, philosophers, sociologists, and neuroscience, this volume is a unique and valuable contribution to the affective sciences literature.
Readership: Students and researchers in the affective sciences - psychology, neuroscience, philosophy, sociology

Citing the critical importance of empirical work to social movement research, the editors of this volume have put together the first systematic overview of the major methods used by social movement theorists. Original chapters cover the range of techniques: surveys, formal models, discourse analysis, in-depth interviews, participant observation, case studies, network analysis, historical methods, protest event analysis, macro-organizational analysis, and comparative politics. Each chapter includes a methodological discussion, examples of studies employing the method, an examination of its strengths and weaknesses, and practical guidelines for its application.

This widely-praised book identified peaceful struggle as a key phenomenon in international politics a year before the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt confirmed its central argument. Civil resistance - non-violent action against such challenges as dictatorial rule, racial discrimination and foreign military occupation - is a significant but inadequately understood feature of world politics. Especially through the peaceful revolutions of 1989, and the developments in the Arab world since December 2010, it has helped to shape the world we live in. Civil Resistance and Power Politics covers most of the leading cases, including the actions master-minded by Gandhi, the US civil rights struggle in the 1960s, the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, the 'people power' revolt in the Philippines in the 1980s, the campaigns against apartheid in South Africa, the various movements contributing to the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989-91, and, in this century, the 'colour revolutions' in Georgia and Ukraine. The chapters, written by leading experts, are richly descriptive and analytically rigorous. This book addresses the complex interrelationship between civil resistance and other dimensions of power. It explores the question of whether civil resistance should be seen as potentially replacing violence completely, or as a phenomenon that operates in conjunction with, and modification of, power politics. It looks at cases where campaigns were repressed, including China in 1989 and Burma in 2007. It notes that in several instances, including Northern Ireland, Kosovo and, Georgia, civil resistance movements were followed by the outbreak of armed conflict. It also includes a chapter with new material from Russian archives showing how the Soviet leadership responded to civil resistance, and a comprehensive bibliographical essay. Illustrated throughout with a remarkable selection of photographs, this uniquely wide-ranging and path-breaking study is written in an accessible style and is intended for the general reader as well as for students of Modern History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations.

Since the late eighteenth century, politics, protest, and the state have evolved together, each shaping the other in significant ways. This engaging and succinct treatment of protestÐstate interaction shows how the modern national state developed in tandem with social movement mobilization, arguing that to understand the state fully, you cannot ignore the role of political protest.
Today, social movements are an integral part of politics: modern democratic states are, in reality, social movement societies, and protest mobilization permeates how politics is regularly accomplished. States and Social Movements presents a balanced and comprehensive assessment of various theories of social movements, engaging both state-centered approaches, and cultural and agency-based perspectives. Hank Johnston takes a broad view, analyzing democratic transitions and revolutions, how protest occurs in repressive states, and concluding with an exploration of the emerging repertoire of global social movements, where these movements come from, and if they spell the end of the modern state as we know it.
States and Social Movements cuts to the core of how social movements interact with all types of state system to produce variable outcomes such as democracy, policy reform, repression, insurrection, and revolution. As such, it is essential reading for students and scholars of sociology and political science interested in the important research area of contentious politics.

Sociology began as a historical discipline, created by Marx, Weber and others, to explain the emergence and consequences of rational, capitalist society. Today, the best historical sociology combines precision in theory-construction with the careful selection of appropriate methodologies to address ongoing debates across a range of subfields.
This innovative book explores what sociologists gain by treating temporality seriously, what we learn from placing social relations and events in historical context. In a series of chapters, readers will see how historical sociologists have addressed the origins of capitalism, revolutions and social movements, empires and states, inequality, gender and culture. The goal is not to present a comprehensive history of historical sociology; rather, readers will encounter analyses of exemplary works and see how authors engaged past debates and their contemporaries in sociology, history and other disciplines to advance our understanding of how societies are created and remade across time.
This illuminating book is designed for use in graduate and advanced undergraduate courses as an introduction to historical sociology and as a guide to employing historical analysis across the discipline.

The United States, Germany, and Japan - the world's three most powerful and successful free market societies - differ strikingly in how their governments relate to their economies. Comparing Policy Networks reports the results of collaborative research by three teams investigating the social organization and policymaking processes of national labor policy domains in the United States, Germany, and Japan during the 1980s. The researchers gathered information about policy goals, communication patterns, and political support connections from 350 key national organizations, including labor unions, business associations, public interest groups, government agencies, and political parties. These networks reveal similar conflict divisions between business and labor interests, but also distinctive patterns within each nation. Unique combinations of informal policy-making networks and the national political institutions may in part explain the differences in power structures and legislative decisions.

In this major contribution to contemporary political theory, Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato argue that the concept of civil society articulates a contested terrain in the West that could become a primary locus for the expansion of democracy and rights.

Social Democracy in the Global Periphery focuses on social-democratic regimes in the developing world that have, to varying degrees, reconciled the needs of achieving growth through globalized markets with extensions of political, social, and economic rights. The authors show that opportunities exist to achieve significant social progress, despite a global economic order that favors core industrial countries. Their findings derive from a comparative analysis of four exemplary cases: Kerala (India), Costa Rica, Mauritius, and Chile (since 1990). Though unusual, the social and political conditions from which these developing-world social democracies arose are not unique; indeed, pragmatic and proactive social-democratic movements helped create these favorable conditions. The four exemplars have preserved or even improved their social achievements since neoliberalism emerged hegemonic in the 1980s. This demonstrates that certain social-democratic policies and practices – guided by a democratic developmental state – can enhance a national economy's global competitiveness.

Over a decade has passed since the collapse of communism, yet post-communist citizens are still far less likely to join voluntary organizations than people from other countries. Why do post-communist citizens mistrust public organizations? What explains this pattern of weak civil society? And what does this mean for democracy in the region? This engaging study addresses these questions with a provocative argument about the enduring impact of the communist experience on its countries and citizens. Howard argues that the experience of mandatory participation in state-controlled organizations and vibrant private networks during the communist period, combined with the disappointment with post-communist developments, have left most citizens with a lasting aversion to public activities. Howard analyzes the findings from over 30 democratic countries on the World Values Survey and also presents extensive and original evidence from his own research, focused on Eastern Germany and Russia.

Pundits and social observers have voiced alarm each year as fewer Americans involve themselves in voluntary groups that meet regularly. Thousands of nonprofit groups have been launched in recent times, but most are run by professionals who lobby Congress or deliver social services to clients. What will happen to U.S. democracy if participatory groups and social movements wither, while civic involvement becomes one more occupation rather than every citizen’s right and duty? In Diminished Democracy, Theda Skocpol shows that this decline in public involvement has not always been the case in this country—and how, by understanding the causes of this change, we might reverse it.

An exceptional ethnography marked by clarity and candor, Sidewalk takes us into the socio-cultural environment of those who, though often seen as threatening or unseemly, work day after day on “the blocks” of one of New York’s most diverse neighborhoods. Sociologist Duneier, author of Slim’s Table, offers an accessible and compelling group portrait of several poor black men who make their livelihoods on the sidewalks of Greenwich Village selling secondhand goods, panhandling, and scavenging books and magazines.
Duneier spent five years with these individuals, and in Sidewalk he argues that, contrary to the opinion of various city officials, they actually contribute significantly to the order and well-being of the Village. An important study of the heart and mind of the street, Sidewalk also features an insightful afterword by longtime book vendor Hakim Hasan. This fascinating study reveals today’s urban life in all its complexity: its vitality, its conflicts about class and race, and its surprising opportunities for empathy among strangers.

《东方编译所译丛：国家与权力》是一部令人振奋并感到刺激的当代社会科学文献，对美国社会和国际社会面临的一些重大问题做了细致深入的探讨。如何解决这些问题，并对座落在资本主义世界历史、民族主义和民主中心的情况进行综合评价，将会给予我们以全新的视野和富有意义的启发。

◎一部20世纪阴暗面史书
◎韦伯之后最伟大的社会学家迈克尔·曼重塑对历史的理解
◎充满挑衅的现代民主新理论
◎凶残的种族清洗为何是现代民主的丑恶面？
当同一片领土上，两个对立的种族民族主义组织都声称自己拥有国家主权时，危险产生了；当弱势的一方由于外部的支援而不愿屈服、选 择战斗，或者强势的一方认为自己能够骤然展 开锐不可当的武力行动时，冲突便升级了……行动升级并不只是“邪恶的精英”或者“未开化的民族”的杰作，它同样产生于领袖、激进分子以及种族民族主义的“核心拥护者”之间的复杂互动。
曼的解读聚焦于社会中的政治权力关系，令人信服地阐明了种族清洗的源头及升级过程，有助于避免悲剧再次发生。
*************************************************************************************************************
媒体及专家推荐——
√ 迈克尔·曼是宏伟思想的多产者，这本巨著中天才、雄辩和发人深思的内容俯拾皆是。从书名开始，本书就引发了一场争论，它借助人类历史上最好的，来重塑我们对人类历史中最坏方面的理解，借助现代的观点来重塑我们对古老历史的理解。曼将缜密的实证研究与对观念的权威掌控结合在一起。字里行间都有值得称赞、讨论或深思的观点。对它的讨论仍将持续多年。
——本·基曼（Ben Kiernan），耶鲁大学种族灭绝研究项目主任
√ 社会学术语全无，历史大数据充足，这份研究为外行读者开辟了足够的通道。
——《出版人周刊》（Publishers Weekly）
√ 内容有如百科全书，叙述分析异常丰富，本书为政治社会学作出了重大贡献，对社会科学学者、政治领导人、政策制定者而言，这都是必读之作。
——《选择》（Choice）
√ 在这本重要而充满挑衅性的书中，这位杰出的社会学家曼提出，凶残的种族清洗事实上是我们现代民主时代的丑恶一面，“它属于我们的文明，属于我们自身”……在种族清洗这个领域，曼的阐释绝非定论，但已跻身最成熟深刻作品之列。
——《外交事务》 （Foreign Affairs）
√ 曼的书为研究残忍的种族清洗做了十分有价值的贡献。他大范围地聚合了各种观点和亲历者讲述，这种能力使他的努力适时且值得，因而这对任何研究或处理种族冲突方面问题的人都非常有用。另外一个值得称道的地方是，曼的这本书到达了一种层次，它能同时满足他的同代人和学生们的好奇心，而这也必然会激起更多的对这一论题的探询。
——《东南欧政治期刊》（Southeast European Politics）
√《民主的阴暗面》……是一本强大的书，在某种程度上成功地引出了一套阐释这些悲惨事件的宏伟社会学理论……曼的作品代表了当代历史社会学的最高水平——广博、论据充足、富有趣味、密切关乎当下——所有的读者都必定会对他的结论满怀敬意……
——《泰晤士报高等教育增刊》（The Times Higher Education Supplement）
√这是一本非常重要的书……曼拿出了一份有力的分析，足以引人深思……如今，种族清洗这个问题已经成了媒体菜单中的一个稳定部分，每个关注种族清洗的人都应该去读这本书。
——《英国社会犯罪学》（British Society of Criminology）
√ 迈克尔•曼的《民主的阴暗面》这一令人印象深刻的作品，使人们向着阐明造成如此后果的具体社会研究和社会状况前进了一大步……这是一份巨大的成就。
——《新左翼评论》（New Left Review）
√ 在《民主的阴暗面》中，曼审视了民主化与种族清洗之间的密切关系……与多数其他社会学家不同，曼并不爱用术语。即便这本书很厚重，但所有抱着非学术想法、并耗费精力去读这本书的人，都会觉得物有所值。
——《新闻日报》 （News Day）
√ 迈克尔•曼的新著涉猎甚广、立论大胆。它的核心主题——残忍的种族清洗伴随着救世宗教与近代民主的诞生而来——与人们普遍的观点截然相反……近年来在该主题上最好的著作之一。
——贝思·A. 西蒙斯（Beth A. Simmons），哈佛大学
√ 尽管我对曼的理论有所保留，但这部作品明显是重要的。而且，他构成了本书大部分内容的案例研究，叙述清晰，细节丰富，而且优秀到足以令人生畏。作为一部20世纪阴暗面史书，《民主的阴暗面》很难被打败。
——乔治•希尔拉巴（George Scialabba） 著名书评人 《波士顿环球报》（Boston Globe）

从新中国成立之初到改革开放后的今天，中国社会经历了深刻的转型。其中一个重要转型，就是与消费制度和消费观念相连的社会层面的转型。这个层面可以被称做由苦行者社会到消费者社会的转型。本书运用社会学的方法分析了这个过程中城市消费制度、劳动激励以及城镇居民主体结构方面发生的根本性变化，显示了新中国自成立以来在消费领域所发生的巨大变化。

辑录韦伯学术早期的四篇主要论作，是为以往韦伯
研究所忽视，现今则受到学界特别重视的文本。展示出
韦伯在最初转向经济学研究时的问题意识和独特方法。
韦伯在此阶段思考的中心问题，乃是由当时的社会背景
所引发，即德国从农业文明转向工业资本主义发展时所
面临的经济、政治、文化诸方面困境。
编者整理的韦伯生平著述年表，是一份了解韦伯的
重要文献资料。
马克斯・韦伯（MaxWeber1864－1920），德国政治经
济学家，著述有系列专著《宗教社会学论集》（其中《新
教伦理与资本主义精神》由三联书店1987年出版），《经
济，诸社会领域及权力》（三联书店即出）。

无政府主义人类学碎片是作者从人类学的角度对无政府主义做的一个新诠释。格雷伯从人类学的历史出发，尝试勾划出人类学和无政府主义的关系，特别通过探讨实行平均主义的“原始社会”的权力架构、莫斯（Marcel Mauss）的礼物经济，以及他在马达加斯加的田野研究，为我们打开一个走出国家—市场局限的视野。格雷伯书中还探讨了全球化所引发的问题，以尝试建立一种基于无政府主义的“共识主义”，作为民主的新方向，强调人类学关于权力制衡方面的研究如何帮助我们重新看待乌托邦的梦想，以及怎样实现一个更美好的社会。这本书也是对人类学的批判：为何百多年来人类学家掌握了这些田野资料和人文志技巧，却不能为我们指出另一个方向？而这本书便是第一个这样的尝试。

1978年，中国经济在邓小平的领导下，向自由化的转变道路上迈出了重要步伐。
1979年，英国首相撒切尔夫人下令限制工会力量并终止国家持续十年之久的滞胀惨状。
1980年，里根当选美国总统，通过一系列特殊政策为金融和产业松绑，将美国带上了一条复苏经济的道路。
或许在未来的历史学家看来，1978年至1980年这几年是世界社会史和经济史的革命性转折点，因为正是在这几年中，新自由主义作为一种政治经济实践的理论开始占据主流地位。
新自由主义认为，通过建立一个以稳固的个人财产权、自由市场以及自由贸易为特征的制度框架，能释放个体企业的自由和技能，从而最大程度上促进人的幸福。
自1970年代以来，松绑、私有化、国家从许多社会供给领域中退出，开始变得司空见惯。从前苏联解体后新成立的国家到老牌社会民主制和福利国家，几乎所有国家都接受了某种形式的新自由主义理论。另外，支持新自由主义的人们如今都身居要位，影响遍及教育、媒体、公司董事会和财政机构、政府核心机构以及那些管理全球财政和贸易的国际性机构。也就是说，新自由主义作为话语模式已居霸权地位，它成为我们许多人解释和理解世界的常识的一部分。
那么，新自由主义打哪儿来？它又是如何在世界舞台上泛滥的？对这个政治经济学故事的批判性考察，将为我们确认和建构另一种未来政治和经济安排的可能，提供一个框架。